Monday, July 27, 2009

स्पीच देलिवेरेड इन Delhi

Today's Nepal

Thank you Mr Chairman excellences former Ambassador Mr Rastogi, excellencies ,dignitaries ladies and gentlemen's.

First of all I would like to express my sincere thanks to the organizer for inviting me and giving me such type of opportunities . It is my great pleasure for giving me to express my thoughts in this august gathering

Today is defined as the yesterday of tomorrow. This definition essentially links the existing present with the coming future. Today is merely a transition stage to the future. Since we lived into the future, the present must be judged in relation to the future than with the bygone past. What will the coming generation look at us? How will they judge our achievements and failures, our promises and performances? How do we want to present ourselves to the future generation? If we are talking of progression, the present must be related to the future.

At the Crossroad

Unfortunately, much of the debate in present day Nepal is related to the past. Even though we have successfully dismantled the feudalistic structures of the past, namely, the abolition of the monarchy, unitary state with one language, one culture and one religion and transformed Nepal into a Federal Democratic Republic country; the roots of the past still hunt us. Many sections of the society are still refusing themselves to be freed from the clutches of the past regime. They hark back on bad old days. We have successfully pulled down the old structures but have not been able to erect new ones. This is because some sections of the society do not want to give up their past habits or they are scared of the uncertain future. Today Nepal is at the crossroad between the old and the new, between the past and the future, between the conflict and the peace, between the status quo and the change, and between internal necessities and external exigencies. In summary, we are at a very critical, sensitive juncture of time, in a stage of transition. We are almost at a fifty-fifty chance situation between coming together and falling apart, between success and failure.

UCPN-Maoist Resignation

In May this year, when UCPN-Maoist resigned from the government citing the cause for civilian supremacy, correcting extra-constitutional move by the President and reinstating its decision to sack errant Chief of Army Staff, we have people, at one extreme, giving arguments that UCPN-Maoists were looking for a convenient excuse, a scapegoat to step down from the power due to its lacklustre performance and incapacity to govern. At the other extreme, there are also people arguing that the party has been, as a result of internal and external pressures, forced to step down. However, the reality is somewhere else. As Chairman Prachand has clarified his resignation is to avoid inevitable confrontation and bloodshed and to save the peace process from total collapse. There are no dearths of people in Nepal who are sceptical, not of the contents of the 12 point agreement, but of signing of the agreement in New Delhi in November 2005. There are also no dearths of people who wish to see UCPN-Maoists reverting back to jungle and, once again, resuming Peoples' War. These people are scared of peace because they profit from war; they thrive on chaos and instability.

Politics of Consensus

Political consensus has been a kind of mantra for our political parties and their leaders. Everybody talks about unity, consensus, cooperation, magnanimity and trustfulness but these are the things least happening in Nepal. Turn the pages of the Interim Constitution, starting from the preamble section, one will find the word consensus or its equivalents appearing more than a dozen times. Look at the daily unfolding of political events, this is the thing least happening in Nepal. Consensus is probably the word most used, misused and abused in the present day political lexicon of Nepal. It is synonymous with the politics of vengeance, opportunity and blame game. Now, we have reached to a climax where consensus seems to be lacking even among our external supporters, well wishers and friends. As long as "whose consensus" overrides the "methods of arriving at a consensus", political consensus continues to be an illusive concept.

Refugees

So far, I have dwelt on internal politics in Nepal. Let me make some comments on external front as well. I don't think, our neighbours, basically, India and China, will benefit from having a poorer, weaker and instable Nepal. Obviously, they benefit from having a rich and prosperous Nepal. Besides having to grapple with our own internal problems, Nepal is also burdened by refugee problems which in no way related to Nepal's internal politics. At a time when hundreds of thousand of Nepali people are seeking jobs and income opportunities abroad, the country is forced to host hundreds of thousands of refugees. This is where external friends and well-wishers can help to mitigate Nepal's problem. Water resources ,Due to lack of cooperation and mutual distrust, Nepal's vast potentiality of water resources has not been harnessed for proper use. Border Dispute and encroachment and interference in internal matters is also very serious issues would be further discussion in very seriously .

Agenda of time :Peace constitution and transformation

Peace with new constitution, new constitution with socio-economic transformation and peace with PLA integration is core words of this time . We can write new constitution at any time but only the new constitution may not able to solve the problems of the society . It may not able to consolidate the peace . If we failed to consolidate peace it doesn't mean writing constitution . consolidation of peace mean PLA integration . Still we have two armies . Both are confined in Barrack and Cantonment . Armies confined in barracks are waiting for democratization and another in cantonment is also waiting for professionalization .After that both armies will be a national army . Modalities are more or less mentioned in past agreement if some thing is missing it can be resolve by discussion . Basically our peace process is led by politics so if politically we do agree we will reach in logical conclusion . Whatever role we played in the past that can be discuss what sort of right and wrong we did that also can be take in account . But most important is what we are doing in present time and what we are thinking for future . Now it is a time to reward for past positive role of each sides and forget its negative side is a best way to success negotiation and smooth passing through the transition .

New constitution is another important job for us new constitution in isolation is doesn't mean so new constitution with peace and societal transformation is our focused . It is not a problem of constitution nor constitution alone can address it . It should be able to consolidate republican peace and change . It should be ensured fundamental rights, socio economic and cultural rights . It should be able to restructure their old forms of society and organs of the society . Ensured to all those who are excluded from every sector of the society .

Socio-economic transformation is another vital issue of this time . feudal society feudal mentality and feudal economic base feudal production relation is main problems of our society . Without dismantle this type of system , change can't be consolidate . political change can't ensure all and fundamental change for this purpose we should have agreed upon this point lets have a progressive change whatever it may be capitalistic one . equal opportutinities equal excess equal distribution and equal sharing is need of this time our aim is to established equitable society . we should able to decrees the gape between haves and haves not . This is our obligation if we able to make it our peace can be consolidate by consolidating peace new constitution can be able to make it .

Destructive roomer:

When we talk about nationality there will be a roomer about anti-indian flavor when we talk about nationality anti national elements blames anti Indian In our context anti Indian flavor is a kind of cover of their regressive act and motive . Ucpnm is an rising force status-qoist are not willing to listen them so best idea is blaming them as anti Indian . In the name of overcome anti Indian sentiment blessing to be a anti Maoist coalition .So Maoist and specially Chairman Prachanda is an anti Indian to sideline him it is urgently needed to make anti Maoist coalition . It is too much biased attitude it does not work properly neither India nor Nepal and nor anti Maoist coalition for a long time . So do not confuse . In this matters .

In conclusion no doubt there is problem, we are in same line on problems but some differences on way of solution . we are from different schooling and different ideological base definitely we have some differences but we have no differences on problems . lets start discuss on way of solution . If there is will , way out also will be there .

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