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कम्युनिट आन्दोलनमा वदलिएका केही तथ्य र तर्कहरु

कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीको स्थापना हुदाका वखत परिकल्पनाहरु, पंचायती फासिष्ट तानाशाही व्यवस्थाका विरुद्ध संघर्ष गर्दाका सपनाहरु र जनयुद्धका वखत हुर्काइएका सोचहरु संग  आजको यथार्थता भिडाउदा यिनका वीचमा निकै भिन्नता आएको अनुभूति भएको छ । खास गरी कम्युष्टहरुले सोच्ने तरिका,भन्ने तरिका र गरेका व्यवहारका विषयमा अध्ययन गर्दा काफी मात्रामा अन्तर आएको छ । समाज विकासको यो चरणमा स्वभाविक रुपले विकसित विचारहरु आउनु विकसित धारणाहरु देखा पर्नु आधारभूत रुपमा अन्तर मात्रै हैन  आदर्शका हिसावले मान्यताका हिसावले चिन्तन पद्दतिका हिसावले केही अकल्पनीय अन्तरहरु आएकाछन् तिनलाई वेलैमा चिन्ने र सच्याउने काम गर्न सकिएन भने कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको विघटनलाई कसैले रोक्न सक्ने छैन । तिनै विषयको चर्चा गर्ने प्रयत्न गरिएको छ ।

पार्टी सदस्यता प्राप्त गर्नु नै सवैभन्दा ठुलो कुरा हो पद त केवल कार्यविभाजन मात्रै हो? 

सुन्दा आदर्श लाग्ने व्यवहार गर्न कठिन लाग्ने व्यवहारमा उतार्न सक्दा स्वर्गीय आनन्द लाग्ने उपरोक्त वाक्य साच्चि नै आदर्श वाक्य नै हो ।शान्ति प्रकृयाका आरम्भका दिनसम्म यो कम्युनिष्ट क्रान्तिकारीहरुकालागि आदर्श नै थियो र यही नै मार्ग निर्देशक सिद्धान्त जस्तै नै थियो । कमसेकम पदमा जाने कुरामा मारामार त थिएन थिएन वरु एकले अर्कालाई प्रस्ताव गर्ने अवस्था थियो । तर आज त्यो आदर्शमा स्खलन आएको छ र कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीको सदस्यता त प्रत्यक खुद्रा पसलमा पाईन्छ नै तर पद पाईन्छ कि पाईदैन त्यो ठुलो कुरा हो भन्ने अवस्था भएको छ । त्यसकारण या त हिजोको त्यो आदर्श मान्यता त्रुटिपुर्ण थियो या त आज कम्युनिष्ट मान्यतामा स्खलन आएको छ भन्ने कुरा मध्य एउटा निष्कर्षमा पुग्नै पर्ने हुन्छ । मेरो विचारमा आज पार्टीहरुमा हिजोको त्यो आदर्श वाक्य सुन्ने वुझने र व्यवहार गर्नेहरु अल्पमतमा पर्दै गए यसो हुदै गर्दा ती आदर्श वाकय झुठा सावित हुदै गए जो कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनकालागि सुखद विषय पटक्कै हैन  ।

विचार, संगठन र शैलीको उल्टो तदात्म्यता ः

हिजोको आन्दोलनमा विचारलाई अग्रस्थानमा राखिन्थ्यो । विचार सही हुनु र नहुने कुराले सवैकुराको छिनोफानो गर्छ भन्ने गरिन्थ्यो जो वास्तवमा सही पनि थियो । विचार सही हुदा धेरै उपलव्धीहरु हासिल भएकाछन् विचार गलत हुन पुग्दा प्राप्त भएका चिज पनि गुमेका छन् त्यसकारण कम्युनिष्टहरुको संगठनको मुल आधार नै विचार हो भनिन्थ्यो विचारको प्रशिक्षण नियमित र निरन्तर रुपमा चलि नै रहन्थ्यो तर आज विचारको अग्रस्थान अरु नै वस्तुले ग्रहण गरेको छ । विचार यस्तै हो संगठन प्रमुख हो संगठन भयो भने विचारलाई जता मोडन पनि सकिन्छ जता व्याख्या गर्न पनि सकिन्छ जता वोक्न र ठोक्न पनि सकिन्छ भन्ने कुरा हावी भयो । जो स्तालिन कालिन कम्युनिष्ट अभ्यासको वचेखुचेको अवशेष आज पनि हावी छ । यसकारण अव संगठन अग्रस्थानमा स्थापित भयो । कार्यशैली भनेको विचारले निर्दिष्ट गर्ने कुरा थियो जव विचारको स्थान नै पुछारमा गैसके पछि कार्यशैली जे अवलम्वन गरे पनि हुने भो । यसरी विचार संगठन र कार्यशैलीको जो क्रम भत्किन पुगेको छ यसले कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलन वदनाम, रक्षात्मक र प्रभावहिन वन्ने अवस्थामा पुगेको छ ।

कम्युनिष्ट मान्यतामा ह्रासः

चिनमा क्रान्तिले पराजय भोगेका वखत १९२७ तिर माओका गुरु पार्टी प्रवेश गरेका सन्दर्भमाआफना गुरुलाई विचारको प्रशिक्षण दिदै माओले पत्र लेख्दै भने कि ”हे गुरु तपाई अत्यन्त प्रतिकुल अवस्थामा पार्टी प्रवेश गर्नु भएको छ तपाईलाई धेरै मानिसहरुले वुद्धि नभएको मान्छे यस्तो वेलामा पार्टी प्रवेश गरयो भनेर गाली पनि गरेका होलान तर तपाई आत्तिन पर्दैन तपाईले सर्वाधिक ठीक गर्नुभएको छ ।  वरु कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीमा भिन्नै आदर्श हुन्छ,राम्रो र नराम्रो रोजाईमा तपाई राम्रो रोज्नुस म नराम्रो राज्छु भन्ने गरिन्छ, सजिलो र अप्ठारो काम रोज्न पर्दा पनि तपाई सजिलो गर्नोस म अप्ठारो भन्न पर्छ, भने टाढा र नजिकको कुरा गर्दा म टाढाको भन्न सक्न पर्छ काम र आरामको रोजाई पर्दा पनि म काम गर्छु आराम तपाई भन्न पर्छ । माओको आफना गुरुलाई लेखेको त्यो चिठी संग आजलाई तुलना गर्दा निराशा वाहेक केही हात लाग्दैन । यो मान्यता आज कहि कतै पनि भेटाउन मुश्किल पर्ने भएको छ । कसैले अवसर आयो भने मलाई वाहेक तपाईलाई भन्दैन वरु जे अवसर आए पनि आफैलाई नाप्ने र आफनै लागि मात्रै त्यो अवसर उपयुक्त हुने ठान्ने गरेको मनोविज्ञान विकास भएको छ । त्यसैले कम्युनिष्ट मान्यतामा आएको ह्रास र एक प्रकारको स्खलनका कारण नै यो अवस्थाको सिर्जना भएको हो । यो गलत भएको छ यसलाई सच्याउने हिम्मत पार्टीहरुले गर्नै पर्दछ ।

सादा जीवन उच्च विचार भन्ने त उल्टो हुन थाल्योः

कम्युनिष्टहरुको शैली त सादा जीवन उच्च विचार हो भन्ने गरिन्थ्यो । कम्युनिष्ट भनेको झुस्स दाह्री पालेको मैलो थोत्रो कपडा लगाएको सके खालि खुटटा नसके चप्पल मात्रै लगाएको खाने कुरामा पनि कम खाने मिठो नखाने सुत्न पनि राम्रो नचाहिने निर्वाह भए पनि हुने,लेख्ने कुरामा पनि राम्ररी चिटिक्क पारेको अक्षर लेख्यो भने कतै विचारमा स्खलन पो छ कि भन्ने हुन्थ्यो । कहि कतै जान पर्दा जहा गयो त्यही चन्दा उठाउने हिडने चलन थियो तर आज कम्तीमा एक दर्जन वर पर साथीभाई सरकारी पि यस ओ भव्य गाडि जहा जाने हो त्याहा अघिल्लै दिन खवर सके मानिसहरु मोटरसाईकल रयालीको तयारीमा होउन तयति नभए पनि माला खादा त पक्कै होउन जिल्लाका हाकिमहरु प्नि विमानस्थलमा हाजिर भैदिउन । यति भयो भने वर परका मानिसले पनि आहो नेता आउदैछन् भनेर गनोस र चिनोस भन्ने आदतमा वढोत्तरी भएको छ । सार्वजनिक सवारी प्रयोग गर्ने अनावश्यक मानिसको भिड जम्मा गरेर नहिडने अनावश्यक चाकरीकालागि मानिसहरु लाईनमा वसुन भन्ने चाहना नगर्नेहरु खुवि नभएका नेतामा दर्ज हुने गरेको छ । अवसर चिन अवसर छोप मौका आउछ पर्खिदैन ईमेज भनेको पैसा पहुच भयो भने वनाउन खरिद गर्न पनि सकिन्छ भाडामा लिन पनि सकिन्छ भन्ने मानसिकताको विकास भएको छ जो विल्कुल कम्युनिष्ट आदर्शको विरोधी हो । यो विरोधी आदर्श लिएर कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलन जोगाउन सकिने छैन वेलैमा हेक्का राख्न जरुरी छ ।

व्यक्तिगत सम्पत्ति आर्जनवारे ः

कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनमा लाग्नेहरु सर्वहारा वर्गको अग्रदस्ता भएका कारणले उसको नीजि जिवनको कुरा र नीजि सम्पत्तिको कुरा कल्पना पनि गर्न सकिदैनथ्यो । आफनो भएको सम्पत्ति पनि पार्टीलाई सुम्पने सम्पत्ति र परिवार पार्टीकरण गर्ने आधारभूत शर्त नै थियो तर आज त यसमा विकृति आएर दुर दराजको हजार पर्ने सम्पत्ति पार्टीकरण महिनाको लाख रुपयामा पार्टीको पुर्णकालिन खर्चको जिन्दगी । आफनो तलव कमाई वा पेन्सन घरको आम्दानी आफनो परिवारको छोरा छोरीको पढाई लेखाई पार्टीको दायित्व यसका साथ साथै नीजि सम्पत्तिमा ह्रास हैन वढोत्तरी हुने अवस्था र पार्टी भित्र पनि समपत्ति आर्जनमा प्रतिस्पर्धा, के काम गर्छौ भन्दा टेण्डर भन्ने कोर्ड भाषाको प्रयोग गर्ने प्रवृत्ति हावी भएको छ । यस खाले विकृतिले कम्युनिष्ट पाटी विसर्जनको मोडमा र आन्दोलन गंभिर संकटको भुमरीमा गुज्रेको अवस्था छ । यसलाई पुनर्ताजकी गरेर कम्युनिष्ट आदर्शमा सुल्टयाउन भरमग्दुर कोशिस गर्न जरुरी भएको छ ।

अन्तमा 

विचारमा स्खलन संगठनको मान्यतामा ह्रास र कार्यशैलीमा आएको उल्टो बुद्धि पार्टी आन्दोलन र साख विघटन र विसर्जनमा लैजाने उपाय वाहेक अरु केही वन्नेवाला छैनन् । एक्काईसौ शताव्दीमा आएको परिवर्तन संगै वर्गहरुमा आएको रुपान्तरण,माक्संवादमा भएको विकास र साम्राज्यवादमा आएको फेरवदलका आधारमा अवको क्रान्ति सम्पन्न गर्ने विचार सो विचार वोक्न सक्ने संगठन र सो मुताविकको कार्यशैली आजका आवशयकता हुन । यी पुर्व शर्त पुरा गरे पछि मात्रै कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनमा आएको संकटको सामना संगै कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको लक्ष प्राप्ति गर्ने दिशामा अघि वढन सकिनेछ । यसैकालागि आफैमा भएका विकृतिलाई परित्याग गर्दै आफैलाई मजवुत वनाउदै दुश्मनका हरेक चुनौतिको सामना गर्न सक्ने सक्षम हैसियत वनाउ यही नै आजको आवशयकता पनि हो र चुनौति पनि हो । 

पार्टी पुनर्निमाणको प्रसंगमाःकहा चुक्यो एमाओवादी

भुमिकाः

गणतन्त्र ,संघीयता,धर्मनिरपेक्षता,समावेशी लोकतन्त्र समेतलाई संस्थागत गर्न संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन मात्रै एक उत्तम विकल्प हुने अडानमा जनयुद्ध जारी राखेको माओवादी सवै एजेण्डा सहित संविधानसभाको पनि विरोधी तात्कालिन संसदवादी शक्तिलाई सहमत गराउन पनि सफल भयो । यसको परिणाम स्वरुप पहिलो संविधानसभामा चालिस प्रतिशत सिट हात पार्न पनि सफल भयो तर जे जे कारणले भए पनि संविधान जारी गर्न नसक्दा अर्को संविधानसभाको चुनावमा भएको सिटमा दुईतिहाई घटी संख्यामा खुम्चिन पर्ने अवस्था भयो । यसो हुनुका कारणहरु के होलान् किन यस्तो परिणाम आयो होला जस्ता प्रश्नको जवाफ भविश्यले खोज्दै जानेछ तर एमाओवादी आफै कहा चुक्यो त्यसको लेखा जोखा यस सानो लेखमा गर्ने जमर्को गरिएको छ ।

नीति अनुसारको संगठनको अभावः

माओवादी जनयुद्ध एक दशक चल्यो एक पछि अर्को सफलता हात पनि पारयो जसको कारण नीति र नीति अनुकुलको संगठनकै कमाल थियो । तोकिएकाभन्दा घटी काम कुनै पनि पार्टी संगठनले त्यतिवेला गरेन तर शान्ति प्रकृयामा आए पछि चुनावी प्रतिस्पर्धामा आफुलाई श्रेष्ठ सावित गर्न पर्ने वेलामा तदनुकुलको संगठन वनाउन सकेन त्यही नेर चुक्यो माओवादी । नीति प्रतिस्पर्धा र चुनावको लिने संगठन युद्धकै राख्ने गल्ती भयो जसले नीति र संगठन वीचको तालमेल मिलाउन सक्ने कुरा नै थिएन भएन पनि अनि कार्यकर्ताहरु युद्धको दिमागले चुनावको कुरा गर्न पर्दा जागर र ज्यान दुवै नआएको साचो हो । पहिलो निर्वाचनको भ्रममा यो निर्वाचन पनि जितिने भ्रम पाल्यो यही नेर गल्ती भयो । युद्धका वेलाको संगठन कार्यकर्ता आधारित मात्रै हैन संगठनको रुप फौज र संघर्षको रुप युद्ध भनिन्थ्यो र गरिन्थ्यो पनि तव त्यसले लक्ष प्राप्त गर्दथ्यो तर चुनावी संगठनको स्वरुप फौज मेल खादैन्थ्यो यो त जनआधारित हुन पथ्र्यो । अनि युद्धको जस्तो चेन अफ कमाण्ड जस्तो आदेश पर्खने जे आउछ त्यही कार्यान्वयन गर्ने तर्क नगर्ने शैली हुन्थ्यो तर चुनावी शैली स्थानीय सिर्जनशिलतामा आधारित हुन्थ्यो र जनताले माथिवाट के हैन आफनो घर दैलाका नेताले के भन्छन् के गर्छन भन्ने निहालेका हुन्छन त्यही कुराको कमि भयो ।

युद्धकालिन शैलीको प्रचुरताः

युद्ध नेपालको सन्दर्भमा आवश्यक थियो भयो तव न गणतन्त्र प्राप्त भयो त्यसैले त्यो महान जनयुद्धमा जसले हान्यो उसले जान्यो को नीति लागु हुन्थ्यो तर चुनावमा जसले मान्यो उसैले जान्यो लागु हुने हो माओवादी नेता कार्यकर्ता र उम्मेदवारमा मान्ने कुरा हैन जनताले नै मान्न पर्ने दम्भका अवशेषहरु वाकी नै रहे त्यहा पनि माओवादी चुक्यो । माओवादीले जनताका एजेण्डा नै वोक्यो तर ती एजेण्डा जनता समक्ष राम्ररी पस्कने योजना कैल्यै वनाएन र जनताले राम्ररी आत्मसात नगरेको चालै पाएन । 

प्रविधिमा चुक्यो एमाओवादीः

जनताका एजेण्डा र जनता पक्षमा भए पछि कसैको केही लाग्दैन जो माओवादीका पक्षमा नै छन् भन्ने कुरामा एमाओवादी ढुक्क भयो । जो राम्ररी वुझाउन सकेका भए सही पनि थियो । तर प्रविधिमा ध्यानै दिएन । नीति र जनता आफनो पक्षमा नहुनेले प्रविधिमा अत्यधिक ध्यान दिने गर्दछन् जो अरु पार्टीहरुले गरे । मतदाता नामावलीमा नाम लेखाउने कुरा फोटो खिचाउने कुरा मतदान केन्द्रमा जाने र जनतालाई पुरयाउने कुरा चुनावका महत्वका विषय थिए तर यस तर्फ ध्यान दिएन यही नेर चुक्यो माओवादी ।

असान्दर्भिक वहसमा चुक्यो माओवादीः

शान्ति र संविधानकालागि जनताले माओवादीलाई चालिस प्रतिशत सिटमा विराजमान वनाए । तर माओवादी पालुडटार वैठकमा दुश्मन किटान गर्न लाग्यो एकथान संविधान त्यो पनि भारतीय दलाल भनिएका एमाले र कांग्रेसका पछि लागेर भन्दै अव संविधान हैन विद्रोह नै हो भन्ने वहसले जनताका मनमा चिसो पस्यो । जनताको मतको अपमान हुने गरी नै वहस भए त्यसले शान्ति र संविधानकालागि भनेर माओवादीलाई भोट दिएका जनतालाई मिल्ने भए भोट फिर्ता माग्ने अवस्थामा पुरायो जनता मौका कुरेर वसेका थिए यस पटकको निर्वाचनमा नराम्रोसंग देखाईदिए । त्यसैको अर्को श्रृखला छ दिने आम हडताल पनि थियो त्यतिनै वखत पनि फेरि फर्मान जारी गरियो कि काठमाण्डौमा घर वनाएका सुकिला मुकिला मुर्दावाद??? आज काठमाण्डौ माओवादीकालागि टेक्ने ठाउ पनि भएन अर्थात शुन्य सिटमा झर्न परयो । फेरि अझै बुर्जुवा नैतिकता मान्दिन भन्ने जस्ता अभिव्यक्तले माओवादीलाई चुकाएकै हो यसको मुल्य महंगो परयो भविश्यमा नपरोस भनेर हेक्का राखनै पर्ने भएको छ विगतमा हामी हाम्रा जुलुशमा हिडिदिने वाहेक अरुलाई पराई देख्यौ र ज्यानी दुश्मन भन्दै उनीहरुप्रति धारेहात लगायौ यी समेतका कारणले पनि जनता विच्किएको साचो हो ।

सरकारका कामको स्वामित्व लिनमा चुक्यो माओवादीः

पहिलो कम्युनिष्ट सरकार गठन गर्ने एमालेले केवल नौ महिनाको सरकारमा भएका वखत गरेका कामको व्याज आजका मितिसम्म पनि भजाएको छ तर माओवादी प्रचण्ड सरकारको पालमा पनि मिलिजुली सरकार आफनै पार्टी भित्र वैमनश्यताको आरम्भ दोश्रो पटक बाबुराम नेतेत्वको पनि मिलिजुली नै सरकार पार्टी भित्र र वाहिर सवैतिरको आक्रमण त्यतिवेला भएका राम्रो कामको विवरण अरु त अरु त्यति न वेल मन्त्री भएकाहरुका दिमागमा पनि छैन होला उनले प्रचार गर्ने र एमाले ले जसरी विस वर्ष पछि पनि व्याजको स्याज असुल्ने त धेरै टाढाको कुरा भो । यसकारण सरकारमा छदा गरेका राम्रा कामको स्वामित्व नलिने त छदैछ विरोधीले नराम्रा भनेका कामको हल्लै हल्लामा र लहै लहैमा पार्टी र नेता दौडेका कारण पनि पार्टी यो हालतमा पुग्यो पार्टी त्यही नेर चुक्यो ।

अरुभन्दा फरक देखाउनमै चुक्यो माओवादीः

मओवादीको ईतिहास नै फरक छ तयो शक्ति एमाले कांग्रेस संग दाज्न मिल्ने शक्ति नै हैन । माओवादी अकै धातुले वनेको पार्टी र मानिसहरुको समुह को पनि भनियो अरु पार्टी जस्तो भ्रष्टाचारमा माओवादीका नेता कार्यकर्ताहरु गनाउने छैनन भन्ने वाचा गरिएको थियो तर दुर्भाग्य त्यस्तो रहेन र जनताका नजरमा पनि त्यस्तो सावित गर्न सकिएन जनताका प्रति निकै ठुलो विश्वासधात भयो । आफनो अलग्गै पहिचान कायम गर्न नसक्नु माओवादीको अर्को निकै ठुलो मुल्य चुकाई रहयो । 

जनसम्वन्धमा चुक्यो माओवादीः

ज्नता पानी हुन भने माओवादी नेता कार्यकर्ताहरु माछा हुन जनता छ माओवादी छ जनता छैन माओवादी छैन अर्थात माओवादीकालागि जनता वाहेक अरु आफनो भन्ने केही पनि छैन जो भन्ने गरिन्थयो तयो गराईमा जनताले देख्न पाएनन । तस्कर जनता दलाल जनता ठेकेदार जनता व्यापारी जनता उच्च हैसियतका मानिस जनता भए साच्चैका जनता जनता हुन सकेनन् माओवादीकालागि यो नै सवैभन्दा कटु सत्य रहयो कि माओवादी पनि जनसम्वन्ध सुदृढ गर्नमा चुक्यो । 

अन्तमा 

चुकेको माओवादीको लामो सुचि तयार गर्न सकिन्छ तर सुचि मात्रै तयार गरेर पार लागिदैन । असफलताको चाड लगाएर सफलता पाईने पनि होईन तर एउटा कुरा पक्का के हो भो हामी कहा चुक्यो भन्ने कुरामा विना कुनै हिचकिचाहट सवैले सुन्ने गरी स्वीकार्न सकियो भने सच्याउने प्रकृयाको थालनी पनि तयही वाट हुन्छ । जनताका सामु गुमेको विश्वास पुन आर्जन गर्न सकिन्छ । यो मर्मका साथ कहा चुकेको चर्चा भएको हो भने माओवादी सच्चिन वेर लाग्दैन हैन चर्चा चर्चाकालागि मात्रै हैन भने यस खालको चर्चाको व्यापार पनि धेरै टिक्दैन भन्ने कुरा नै साचो हो त्यसैले यतिवेला माओवादी अग्नि परिक्षमा छ जनताका नजरमा कति खरो उत्रन्छ त्यही दरमा उसको उभो लाग्ने दिन पनि गन्ति हुन थाल्छ हैन भने काग कराउदैछ पिना सुक्दैछ माओवादी आन्तरिक झगडा आरोप प्रत्यारोपमा नै व्यस्त छ देश लुटनेहरु मिलाई मिलाई देश लुटि रहनेछन् अन्तमा देश र जनता वाहेक आफनो भनने केही नहुनेहरुकालागि न देश न जनता केही पनि आफना हुने छैनन तयो दिन निकै भयानक हुनेछ । 

समाजवादी क्रान्तिको रणनीतिवारेको वहस १ं खिमलाल देवकोटा

आरम्भः

न्ोपाली राजनीतिको नया अध्याय आरम्भ भएको छ । गणतन्त्र संघीयता धर्मनिरपेक्षता र समावेशि एवं सहभागितामुलक लोकतन्त्र राजनीतिका मुल आयाम र उपलव्धी भईसके पछि नेपाली समाजको चरित्रमा वदलाव आएको छ । यसकारण अव नेपाल अर्ध सामन्ती र अर्ध औपनिवेशिक छैन मुलत नेपाली समाज अव केही सामन्ती अवशेषहरु सहितको पुजिवादी र भारतीय हैकमका रुपमा रहेको र खासगरी सुगौलि सन्धी पश्चात नेपाल अर्ध औपनिवेशिक रहदै आएकोमा भारतीय एकाधिकार पुजीको विकास र भुमण्डलीकरणका असरका कारण भारत स्वयं पनि साम्राज्यवादी स्वरुप ग्रहण गर्न लागेको यो अवस्थामा नेपाली समाजको चरित्रमा आमुल वदलाव आएको छ भन्ने कुरा स्वीकार गर्ने कुरा पहिलो आवश्यकता हो ।

वदलिएको समाजको वदलिएको चरित्रः

जव राजतन्त्रको अन्त भयो तव सामन्तवादको नाईकेको अवसान भएका कारणले अवको क्रान्तिको स्वरुप सामन्तवादका विरुद्ध नभएर दलाल नोकरशाह र दलाल पुजिका विरुद्ध सोझिने कुरा स्वत सिद्ध छ । नेपाली समाज अर्ध सामन्ती र अर्ध अ‍ौपनिवेशिक रहेन तव त्यहा परम्परागत ढंगको वा चिनमा माओले गरे जस्तै जनयुद्ध गर्ने कुरा पनि अव रहेन र आवश्यक पनि भएन । नेपाली समाजको चरित्रमा आएको वदलावका कारणले नया जनवादी क्रान्तिका महत्वपुर्ण कार्यभार भिन्न ढंगले पुरा भए र वाकी कार्यभार पुरा गर्दै क्रान्तिको चरण समाजवादी क्रान्तिको रणनीतिमा प्रवेश गरेको छ ।

आजको माक्र्सवादः

२१ औ शताव्दीमा माक्र्सवादको प्रयोग र विकासको प्रश्न यतिवेला अझै वढी सान्दर्भिक भएर आएको छ । २० औ शताव्दीको पुर्वाद्र्ध र उत्तरार्धका सफलता र असफलतावाट पाठ सिक्दै २१ औ शताव्दीमा माक्र्सवादको विकास गर्ने र नेपाली धर्तिमा त्यसलाई अझ वढी कामयावी वनाउने कुरा यतिवेलाको कार्यभार वन्न पर्छ केवल ती अनुभवहरुको नक्कल गर्ने कुरा यान्त्रिकतामात्रै हुनेछ ।

आजको साम्राज्यवादः

२१ ओै शताव्दीको साम्राज्यवाद लेनिनले व्याख्या गरेजस्तो रुपमा छैन खास गरी औद्योगिक पुजि वित्त पुजिमा रुपान्तरण र वित्त पुजिका कारणले समाजमा पार्ने प्रभाव र वित्त पुजिका आधारमा गरिने शोषण दमन र उत्पिडनको स्वरुपमा पनि आमुल परिवर्तन आएको छ । यसकारण २० औ शताव्दीको साम्राज्यवादको चित्र दिमागमा राखेर क्रान्तिको रणनीति र कार्यानीति वनाउन थाल्नेहरु असफल हुनु वाहेक अर्को कुनै विकल्प छैन त्यसकारण यतिवेलाको साम्राज्यवादका चरित्रको विश्लेषण गर्दै र तिनका विरुद्ध कसरी लडने भन्ने रणनीति र कार्यनीति निर्माण गर्न सक्दामात्रै क्रान्तिकारीहरुका हातमा समफलता हात पर्ने देखिन्छ तसर्थ त्यस तर्फ ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।अर्को महत्वपुर्ण पक्ष भनेको वर्ग विश्लेषण नै हो ।

आजको वर्ग विश्लेषणः

२० औ शताव्दीमा सर्वहारा वर्ग र पुजिपति वर्ग शासित र शासक वर्गमा विभाजित भएको अवस्था हो भने मध्यम वर्ग हिजडा वर्ग हो जस्को क्रान्तिमा खासै भूमिका हुदैन वरु अवसरवादी भन्ने मात्रै पढाईयो । तर आज समाजको ढाचा वदलिएको छ । सर्वहारा वर्ग विस्तारै निम्न मध्यम हुदै मध्यम वर्गमा उक्लिदैछ भने सामन्त वर्ग समाजको चरित्रमा आएको वदलावका कारणले सानो अंश नवधनाढयमा र केही हिस्सा मध्यम वर्गमा झर्दा मध्यम वर्ग हालको निर्णयक वन्न पुगेको अवस्था छ मध्यम वर्ग मुलत परिवर्तनको पक्षपाति छ त्यसकारण त्यो वर्गको साथ लिएर समाजवादी क्रान्ति पुरा गर्न सकिने अवस्था पुरै तयार हुदैछ । त्यसकारण अवको क्रान्ति समाजवादी क्रान्ति र सो क्रान्तिकालागि आजको माक्र्सवाद, आजको साम्राज्यवाद र आजको वर्ग विश्लेषणमा गंभिरताकासाथ अध्ययन गरेर मात्रै यो कार्यभार पुरा गर्न संभव छ ।

भावी कार्यभारः

समाजको चरित्रमा आएको फेरवदल, क्रान्तिका आधारहरु(वर्ग,साम्राज्यवाद र माक्र्सवाद)मा आएको फेरवदल समेतका आधारमा क्रान्तिकारी पार्टीको क्रान्तिकारी लाईन,क्रान्तिकारी संगठन सो संगठन संचालन गर्ने विधी र पुरै नेतृत्व प्रणालीमा पुनरताजगी गर्दै नया पुस्तामा नेतृत्व हस्तान्तरण जस्ता महतवपुर्ण पक्षहरु आजको वहसका विषयहरु ह्ुन। मुख्यत जनवादी क्रान्ति गर्ने हतियार जनयुद्ध संचालन गर्ने पार्टी संगठन नेतृत्व र संगठन संचालन गर्ने विधी जस्ताको तस्तै राखेर समाजवादी क्रान्ति हाक्ने कुरा संभव छैन । त्यसकारण समाजको विकासको क्रमसंगै समाजको अन्तरविरोधमा आउने फेरवदललाई ख्याल गर्दै समाजको विकास संगै समाज विज्ञानमा आउने वदलावलाई आत्मसात गर्दै र वदलिएको समाज र विज्ञानलाई हाक्न सक्ने विचार संगठन र नेतृत्व प्रणालीको विकास गर्दै समाजवादी क्रान्ति सम्पन्न गर्ने यतिवेलाको मुख्य कार्यभार हो यस तर्फ सवैको ध्यान जान र आवश्यक वहस संचालन गर्न पनि जरुरी भएको छ विना वहस विचारको विकास संभव छैन हामीकहा आधा सुन्ने एकचौथाई वुझनै र दोव्वर वोल्ने आदत छ जो विचारको विकासको वाधक छ । त्यसैले पुरै सुन्ने पुरै वुझने र कम वोल्ने धेरै लागु गर्ने आदतको विकास गरौ त्यसले मात्रै समाजवादी क्रान्तिको ग्यारेण्टी गर्ने छ ।

पार्टी निर्माणवारेको वहस खिमलाल देवकोटा

पार्टी निर्माणवारेको वहस

खिमलाल देवकोटा

थालनीः

नेपाल संक्रमणै संक्रमणले भरिएको देश भनेर चिनिन्छ किनभने २००७सालदेखि आजका मितिसम्म कुनै पनि सरकारले र कुनै पनि संसदले पुरा अवधि काम गर्न पाएको छैन । देशको राजनीति संक्रमणमा छ भने देश चलाउने राजनैतिक दलहरु संक्रमणभन्दा वाहिर रहने कुरा नै भएन तयसैले विना कुनै अपवाद नेपालका सवै राजनैतिक दलहरु संक्रमणमा छन् त्यसमा पनि जनयुद्धको जगमा निर्माण भएको माओवादी पार्टी झन वढी संक्रमणमा छ यसलाई गहिरो गरी आत्मसात गर्न पर्दछ । जव पार्टी गहिरो संक्रमणमा छ भने पार्टी नेता नेतृतव कार्यकर्ता समर्थक जनता र पार्टी संरचना सवै संक्रमणमा छन् भन्ने वुझन जरुरी छ जव यी सवै पार्टीका अवयवहरु चरम संक्रमणमा छन् भने पार्टीका समस्याहरु प्नि र तिनको समाधान पनि संक्रमणकै स्तरमा छन् भनेर खोज्नु सवैभन्दा वुद्धिमानी हुनेछ ।

माओवादी पार्टी जीवनवारेः

यतिवेला माओवादी पार्टीकै जिवनमा नराम्रो धक्का लागेको छ । २४० सिटमध्य ९० सजिलै जित्ने अर्को ९० अलिकति वल गर्दा जित्ने वाकी साठी भने जे गर्दा पनि नजित्ने पार्टी नेतृतवको निष्कर्ष लिएर फिल्डमा नेता कार्यकर्ता गयो । निर्वाचन भन्दा एकहप्ता मात्रै अगाडि १६० सिट प्रत्यक्षमा मात्रै जित्ने ठोकुवा गरयो । पार्टी भित्र टिकट पाए जितिने जिते मन्त्री भईहालिने मनोविज्ञानले नराम्रोसंग गिजोल्यो माओवादीहरुको दिमाग यही गिजोलिएको दिमाग लिएर निर्वाचनमा गयो र फर्कदा १६० भनेको ठाउमा जम्मा २६ सिटमा डल्लिन पुग्यो भने समानुपातिकमा विगतको भन्दा आधाभन्दा पनि वढीले घटी भोट पायो अनि माओवादीहरुका सपना चकनाचुर हुनथाले परिणाम स्वरुप मत गणना वहिस्कार गर्नेदेखि संविधानसभावाट अलग हुने सम्म भनी लिएको निर्णय उल्टो फर्केर संविधानसभामा मात्रै हैन सरकारमा पनि जाने गरी टुगिदैछ यति गरिन्जेल केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक वसेको छैन । वैठक नवसी जे जे गर्न पनि छुट भएको र जे जे गर्न पनि सक्ने नेतृत्व भएको पार्टी माओवादी वाहेक सायद अरु पार्टीमा नहोला । जीतमा त यसरी पनि चल्यो अव हारमा यसरी चल्दैन त्यसैले केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक जति सारे पनि एक दिन त वस्नै पर्ला तयसैकालागि पनि कामलागोस भनेर यो आलेख तयार गर्ने जमर्को गरेको छु ।

संक्रमणकालिन विचारः

माओवादी पार्टीले यसको स्थापनाकालदेखि आजसम्मका विचारका श्रृखलालाई नियालेर हेर्ने हो भने यसले कहिल्यै जडतामा निर्णय गरेन वरु यसले गतिशिलतामा निर्णय गरयो । कतिपय निर्णय त्यो समयभन्दा अघि वा पछि गरेको भए वेठिक हुन्थ्यो होला तर भने ठीक समयमा गरेका कारणले नै त्यो ठीक भयो र त्यसले प्रगति पनि गर्दै गयो महत्वपुर्ण उपलव्धीहरु पनि हासिल हुदै गए । २०४७ सालतिरको संविधानसभा सिद्धान्तत ठीक भए पनि व्यवहारतः र शक्ति सन्तुलनका हिसावले जनताको शक्ति निकै कमजोर भएका कारणले त्यो नारा क्रान्तिकारी हैन सुधारवादी हुन्छ भनियो तर जव मुलुकको राजनीति शक्ति सन्तुलनको चरणमा प्रवेश गरयो तव संविधानसभाको नारा क्रान्तिकारी हुन्छ भनयो र २०५७ साल पछि यसलाई अवलम्वन गरियो । यो विचारमा देखिएको गतिशिलतालाई यतिवेला अवलम्वन गर्न सकिएन वा खोजिएन तव विचारमा समस्या देखियो यही विचारलाई स्थिरतामा वुझने गलत प्रवृत्तिलाई यस पटक समाधान गर्न पर्छ विचारलाई गतिमा वुझने आट र साहस फेरि एक पटक देखाउनै पर्छ तव मात्रै पार्टीले यतिवेला भोगेका समस्याहरुको समाधान खोज्न सकिन्छ ।

संक्रमणकालिन संगठनः

नेपाली राजनीति संक्रमणकालिन नेपाली समाज संक्रमणकालिन पार्टी संक्रमणकालिन विचार संक्रमणकालिन तर संगठन स्थायी वनाउन खोज्ने प्रवृत्ति हाम्रो पार्टीको मुख्य समस्या हो । स्थायी समाजमा स्थायी पार्टीमा संगठनको मामला कैलै स्थायी हुदैन भन्ने मान्यता राखिन्छ । स्तालिन जसलाई तिस प्रतिशत कमजोरीमा राखेर व्याख्या गरिन्छ उनको विचारमा पनि संगठनलाई कैलै स्थिरतामा राख्न हुदैन यो त निरन्तर फेरवदल गरिराख्न पर्छ । अरु केही भएन भने पनि नया ठाउ र नया जिम्मेवारी कम्तिमा छ छ महिनामा दिन सक्न पर्छ तव मात्रै कार्यकर्तामा र संगठनमा पुनर्ताजकी आउछ काममा जागर पनि आउछ र नया नया उपलव्धी हासिल गर्न संभव हुन्छ । माओवादी पार्टी भित्र पार्टी संगठन निरन्तर कव्जा गरी राख्ने यसलाई स्थायी सत्तामा रुपान्तरण गर्ने एकथरी पात्रहरु कहिल्यै त्यहावाट हटन नपर्ने मान्यता नै विकास भएको छ जसले न कर्याकर्तामा फुर्ति वढाउन मदत गरयो न नया नया उपलव्धी हासिल गर्नमा नै सघायो । त्यसैले यतिवेलाको अचुक अश्त्र भनेको संगठनमा नया पन ल्याउने आट गर्छ  िकगर्दैन भन्नेमा निर्भर गर्दछ । यसो गर्दा स्थायी सत्तामा जमेकाहरुलाई आतंक नै होला तर त्यो आतंक वरु सहन गर्न तयार हुन पर्छ साच्चै पार्टी निर्माण गर्ने हो भने अन्यथा पार्टी पाटीमा परिणत हुनेछ जागर जोश विनाको पार्टी हुनु र नहुनुमा कुनै फरक पर्दैन ।

संक्रमणकालिन कार्यशैलीः

कार्यशैली त्यसमा पनि संक्रमणकालिन कार्यशैली विल्कुल महत्वको कुरा हो र यही हो झन पटक पटक परिवर्तन भै राख्न पर्ने तर जतिसुकै परिवर्तन भए पनि यसले जनता र आन्दोलनको हित कहिल्यै विर्सन मिल्दैन । नेताको कार्यशैली आन्दोलन र जनताको मुक्तिकालागि ठीक छ भन्ने विश्वास पैदा हुदासमम पार्टी संगठनलाई हानि गर्दैन तर जव यसले जनताको विश्वास आर्जन गर्नमा संकट वेहोर्छ तव पार्टीले दिशा विगार्छ भनने कुरा राम्ररी हेक्का राख्न पर्दछ । युद्धकालिन कार्यशलीले युद्धको सेव ागर्न पर्दथ्यो शान्तिकालिन कार्यशलीले शान्तिको सेव ागर्न पर्दछ र प्रतिस्पर्धाको राजनीति स्वीकार गरिसकेपछि प्रतिस्पर्धामा आफै जनताको मनमा तुलनात्मक रुपमा अव्वल दर्जामा नै वस्न सक्न पर्छ यसो गर्न सक्दा मात्रै पार्टी पाटी हुनवाट जोगाउन सकिनछ अन्यथा भिरवाट लडने गाईलाई राम भन्न सकिएला काध थाप्न सकिन्न भन्ने उखान चरितार्थ हुनेछ ।

विचार अनुकुलको संगठन, संगठन अनुकुलको कार्यशैली समाज रुपान्तरणका वा क्रान्तिका पुर्वाधार नै हुन् । विचार पहिलो शर्त हो जो वैज्ञानिक हुनै पर्छ र समाज रुपान्तरणको खाका सहितको हुनै पर्छ र जनताको पक्षमा त झन हुन पर्दछ । यसतो विचार आफै कार्यानवयन हुदैन कार्यान्वयन गर्ने संगठन हो सो संगठन वैज्ञानिक विचार अनुकुलको हुन पर्छ तव मात्रै नया विचारलाई कार्यान्वयन गर्न संभव हुनेछ । विचार नया संगठन पुरानै भयो भने पुरानो संगठनले नया विचारलाई कार्यान्वयन हैन विकृत वनाईदिनछ खाई नै दिन्छ अनि विचारका पण्डितहरु टाउकोमा हात राखेर वस्ने अवस्थामा पुग्दछन् र यसको नकारात्मक असर या त विचार नै गलत थियो भन्ने लाग्छ या त विचार जनताको तहसम्म पुग्नकालागि साधक हैन वाधकको काम त्यही पुरानो संगठनले गर्छ फेरि पनि दोष विचारमै वा विचार वनाउनेमा जाने गर्दछ परिणाम क्रान्तिले धक्का खान्छ । त्यसै गरी कार्यशैली असल वनाउन सकिएन भने जतिसुकै वैज्ञानिक विचार वा संगठन वनाए पनि त्यसले समाज रुपान्तरणमा हैन समाजलाई यथास्थितिमा धकेल्नमै योगदान गर्ने गर्दछ । त्यसका अतिरिक्त कार्यशैली सही विचार र सहि संगठनको प्रतिछाया हो । यो प्रतिछाया सही वन्न सकेन भने त्यसले सही विचार र संगठन दुवैलाई खाई दिन्छ र आफनै कार्यशैली अनुसार विचार र संगठन दुवैको सत्यानाश मात्रै गर्दछन् त्यसैले विचार संगठन र कार्यशैलीको अन्तरसम्वन्ध र द्धन्दात्मक सम्वन्धलाई ठीक तरिकाले व्यवस्थापन गर्न यतिवेला माओवादी पार्टीलाई मौका छ यसको सदुपयोग गर्द सक्दा अघि वढने र नसक्दा पछि हटने मात्रै हैन धराशाही हुने ठाउमा पुग्नेछ । माओवादी पार्टीको जनतासंग जोडिने पक्ष भनेको नेता कार्यकर्ताको कार्यशैली हो आम जनतालाई विचार र संगठनसंग धेरै सरोकार हुदैन आफुले रातो दिन देख्ने नेता कार्यकर्ताको कार्यशैलीका आधारमा मुल्यांकन गर्छन जो यस पटकको निर्वाचनले काफीमात्रामा देखाई नै दिएको छ यस तर्फ गंभिर भएर सोच्न जरुरी भएको छ ।

क्याण्टोनमेण्ट भ्रष्टाचार प्रकरण वारेः

हामी मानौ वा नमानौ दुनियाले भनेको कुरा के हो भने माओवादी शिविरमा भ्रष्टाचार भयो जसलाई हामीले पार्टी केन्द्रिय समितिभित्र त भन्न सकिनौ पार्टी महाधिवेशनमा भन्न सकिनौ विस्तारित वैठकमा भन्न सकिनौ वा नेतृतवले चाहेन वाहिर भन्न सकिनौ त्यसैले पनि यो आवाज वाहिर उठयो । पार्टी भित्रै उठयो सर्वत्र उठयो त्यसैलाई निकास नदिईकन भृकुटिमण्डपको विस्तारित वैठक चल्न सकेन पार्टी विघटन गर्ने कि समस्यालाई हल गरेर अघि वढने भन्नेमा नेतृत्व पुग्यो अन्तत समस्या हल गरेरै जाने निष्कर्षमा पुगे वमोजिम जनमुक्ति सेनाका केही कमाण्डरहरुलाई निलम्वन गर्ने र छानविन आयोग वनाउने निर्णय भए पछि विस्तारित वैठक चल्न पाएको थियो यही परिघटना हेटौडा महाधिवेशनमा पनि देखियो र त्यहा त भ्रष्टाचारको आवाज उठाउने नेता कार्यकर्ताहरुलाई नियन्त्रणमा लिने र वाहिर निकाल्ने कमरेड महराको फर्मान पछि सोही वमोजिम गरे पछि मात्रै महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न भएको हो खन्ना गारमेण्टको विस्तारित वैठकमा पनि कारवाहीको प्रकृया मिलाउन मात्रै वाकी भएको भनिएको आधारमा वैठकले चित्त वुझाएको हो तर केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठकमा भने यसका विपरित खवरदार रिपोर्ट सार्वजनिक गर्न पादैन,युद्धको वेला महत्वपुर्ण भूमिका खेलेका कमाण्डरहरुको मान मर्दन गर्न पनि पाईदैन वढुवा गनर्दा उनीहरुलाई छुटाउन पनि पाईदैन भन्ने आवाज उठेको हो । पार्टी नेतृत्वले यो आवाज पनि नसुने र माग वमोजिमको आदेश नगरे केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक पनि सफलतापुर्वक सम्पन्न हुदैन अनि नेतृत्व यसो गर्न पनि वाध्य छ जो विल्कुल महाधिवेशनको परिघटनाको विपरित हुन्छ अनि नेतृत्व यसो पनि ठीक उसो पनि ठीक भनेर कतिदिन टाल्न सक्छ । महाधिवेशनमा उपस्थित हुने टोली केन्द्रिय समितिमा उपस्थित हुन सक्दैन केन्द्रिय सदस्य नभएका कारणले अनि केन्द्रिय समितिमा उसको भावना विपरित निर्णय हुन्छ तर अव पार्टी संगठनात्मक सम्मेलनमा जादैछ त्यो टोलीको जवाफ नलिएर जाने हो भने लेखेर राख्नोस सम्मेलन भाडिनेछ । यस्तो अवस्थामा नेतृत्वले के सही हो त्यही भनेर र गरेर पनि जान पर्छ यो पनि सही तयो पनि सही हुनै सक्दैनन् ।

अव के गर्ने? पार्टी संरचनामा आमुल परिवर्तनः

मालेमावाद पार्टीको मार्गदर्शक सिद्धान्त आजका मितिमा पनि छ तर मालेमावाद कुन चराको नाम हो भन्ने थाहा नपाएका मानिसहरुको हुल पार्टीमा हुलिएको छ र महत्वपुर्ण पदमा पनि पुरयाइएको छ । जो विचारमा सहमतै छैन के स्वार्थमा हो तिनलाई हुलिएको छ । एकजना ईमान्दार कार्यकर्ता पार्टी ह्वीप नमानेको आरोपमा कारवाही पर्छ अर्को महाशय हाकाहाकी पार्टी ह्वीप नमान्ने सार्वजनिक घोषणाका साथ संविधानसभामा प्रवेश गर्छ नेता केही वोल्दैनन नेतृत्व मौन वस्छ के वाध्यता हो नेतृत्वलाई त्यसो गर्न पर्ने लोकले जवाफ मागेको छ सही जवाफ नपाए लोकले माओवादी पार्टीलाई भोट नदिने मात्रै हैन वहिस्कार गर्ने खतरा पनि छ । यसको जवाफ दिन नेतृतव तयार छ कि छैन आम पार्टी पक्ति त्यसकै पखाईमा छ । पार्टीलाई मालेमावादको आदर्श र सिद्धान्तमा हिडाउने यतिवेलाको पहिलो कार्यभार हो ।

पार्टी स्वरुपमा फेरवदलः

अव पार्टीलाई संगठनात्मक सम्मेलन मार्फत २१ ऋौ शताव्दीको जनवादमा व्याख्या गरिए जस्तो दस्ता वनाउन जरुरी छ । राज्य सत्ता र पार्टी सत्तामा कार्यविभाजन गर्ने र एकले अर्कोलाई सहयोग पनि सन्तुलन पनि गर्ने पद्दतिको विकास गर्न जरुरी छ । दोहोरो जिम्मेवारी विल्कुलै अन्त गर्न जरुरी छ । यसो गर्दा पहिला त मुख्य नेतृतवलाई नै असर पर्ने छ तर मुख्य नेतृत्वलाई व्यक्तिगत रुपमा असर परे पनि पार्टी राम्रो वन्छ भने सवैभन्दा पहिला लाभ लिने मुख्य नेतृतव नै हो भन्ने पनि वुझन जरुरी छ र आफुलाई पर्ने लाभ वा हानीवाट दरिलो कदम चाल्न आट गर्नै पर्छ ।

२४० निर्वाचन क्षेत्रलाई पार्टीको जिल्ला कमिटिका रुपमा परिणत गर्ने र पुरै पार्टी सदस्यहरुमध्यवाट पार्टी केन्द्रिय समितिको निर्वाचन गर्ने त्यसै अनुरुप जिल्लाभरीका पुरै पार्टी सदस्यहरुमध्यवाट प्रत्यक जिल्ला समितिका अध्यक्ष र पदाधिकारीहरुको चुनाव गर्ने र निर्वाचित निकायवाटै दिनानुदिनको काम सम्पादन गर्ने विचमा भारी भक्रम संगठन र तहहरु नवनाउने । यसो गरियो भने मात्रै पार्टीमा नया रक्त संचार पनि होला र पार्टीले गति पैदा गरेर पुरानो गुमेको साख पनि फिर्ता गर्ला यसो गर्न सकिएन भने पार्टी विघटनको दिशामा जाने लगभग निश्चित छ पार्टीलाई विघटनको मारवाट जोगाउनकालागि पनि टाले टुले र चानेचुने प्रयत्नले हुनेवाला छैन निकै ठुलो अपरेशन गर्न नेतृत्व तयार हुन पर्छ तव मात्रै गौरवाशाली पार्टीको सा खजोगाउन सकिएला अन्यथा यसै भन्न सकिन्न ।

अन्तमा

पार्टी केन्द्रिय समितिको निर्वाचनमा भएको लज्जास्पद हार लगत्तै वस्न पथ्यो वसेन । वैठक वसेजस्तो गरयो सामान्य विवरण सुनाउदै वैठक अन्त भयो । हप्तावारी प्रवक्ताका फर्मानहरु सुनियो सवै विचार प्रचण्डको दिमागमा उव्जने गर्छन् , अघिल्लो हप्ता हामी संविधानसभामा जादैनौ जनतामा जान्छौ अर्को हप्ता सरकारमा जादैनौ प्रतिपक्षमा जान्छौ अनि अर्को हप्ता फलानालाई फलानो मन्त्री दिए सरकारमा पनि जान्छौ भन्न वाकी राखेको छ जस्तो भान हुन्छ अनि पार्टी कति माक्र्सवादी भएछ मालेमावादी नाम राख्छ भनेर मित्रहरुले व्यग्य गर्दा पनि हामी नाजवाफ भएका छौ । वैठक पटक पटक सर्छ । अवैधानिक कथित पुर्व स्थायी समिति पोलिटव्युरो के के के के वैठकहरु वस्ने अनि महाधिवेशनवाट निर्वाचित भएकाहरु तलि वजाउन उपस्थित हुने पार्टी चाही माओवादी नै भैरहने अव यस्तो चल्दैन । सत्ता खोसिने डरमा भौतारिएका नेताहरु अमुक अमुक नेताको निर्विकल्प भन्ने वाणी सुन्छौ अनि पंचायतले निर्विकल्प दावी गरेका कुराको खण्डन गर्न छापिएका र वोलिएका कुराको स्मरण गर्दै आफैलाई लाज लाग्ने हालतमा पुरयउछु यस्तो हालतवाट सिंगो पार्टी पक्तिलाई मुक्त गर्ने उपाय भनेको पार्टीको व्यापक पुनरसंरचना वाहेक अर्को कुनै उपाय छैन ।

विषयः सुझाव पेश गरेको ।

कमरेड अध्यक्ष
एनेकपा(माओवादी)
केन्द्रिय कार्यालय,पेरिसडाडा
विषयः सुझाव पेश गरेको ।
कमरेड अध्यक्ष,

कमरेड अध्यक्षद्धारा प्रस्तुत तथा केन्द्रिय समितिमा वितरित १३ पृष्ठ लामो संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन २०७० र पार्टी पुनरनिर्माणको एैतिहासिक आवश्यकता शीर्षकको विशेष राजनैतिक एवं संगठनात्मक प्रस्ताव अद्योपान्त पढें र केही सुझावहरु लिखित रुपमा नै प्रस्तुत गरेको छु ।

 सामान्य टिप्पणी
१ दस्तावेजको मुल दस्तावेज राम्रो छ म्ष्बनलयकष्क मा सहमत छु उचभकअचष्उतष्यल मा मेरो असहमति छ । निदान किडनी फेलको गरेको छ उपचार मलम पटीको छ ।
२ यो दस्तावेज पार्टीलाई पुननिर्माण गर्ने विषयमा केन्द्रित छ तर पार्टी निर्माण र रुपान्तरणका ठोस र मुर्त योजना छैनन् । त्यही सम्मेलन त्यही संख्या घटवढ त्यसैमा रुमलिएको छ । यस्तै योजनाहरु पटक पटक लेखिए । पारित पनि गरिए सम्मेलन नामका कर्मकाण्ड पनि गरिए आदतमा तात्विक अन्तर पारेन । अन्तर पार्ने गरी व्यवहार कैलै भएन यतिवेला पनि त्यो आशंका छदैछ । व्यवहारमा लागु गर्ने ठोस कार्ययोजना छैन । कसले ?के ?कति वेला गर्ने ?भन्ने वारेमा स्पष्ट छैन ।
 त्यसकारण कार्यान्वयनको ठोस कार्ययोजना सहितको पुरक प्रस्ताव आओस ।

२ यतिवेलाको ठोस परिस्थिति के हो ? त्यसको विश्लेषण के हो ? पार्टीको कार्यभार के हो? कुन कार्यभार पुरा गर्न कस्तो पार्टी संगठन चाहिएको हो ?सो को ठोस र मुर्त अभिव्यक्ति दस्तावेजमा भएन । यस्तो ठोस विश्लेषण विना कस्तो पुननिर्माण र रुपान्तरण हो अनुमान पनि गर्न सकिदैन सो भाग थप्न परयो ।
३ विचार अनुकुलको संगठन र संगठन अनुकुलको कार्यशैली हुन पर्ने अनिवार्यतालाई आत्मसात गर्दै युद्धकालिन संरचनावाट शान्ति प्रकृयाको प्रारम्भ संगै शान्तिकालिन र प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक राजनैतिक खालको संगठन निर्माण गर्न नसकिएको कुरा मुख्य होला
यसो भयो भने मात्रै शान्तिकालिन प्रतिस्पर्धा गर्न सक्ने संगठन निर्माण गर्ने र तदनुकुलको कार्यशैलीको अपेक्षा गर्न उपयुक्त होला दस्तावेजले पुरानै संगठनमा सामान्य फेर वदल गरे पुग्ने खालको भाव दिने गरेको छ त्यसलाई पनि सच्याउन जरुरी छ । यसो गर्दा युद्धकालिन संगठनात्मक संरचना शान्तिकालिन र प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक चुनावी प्रयोजनमा प्रयोग गर्न खाज्दा नै समस्या भयो यसको आचरण र शैली त यसै जिम्मेवार छदै थियो । यस वारेमा स्पष्ट गर्न जरुरी छ । संगठन भद्दा हुनु र जनतामा नजोडिने मात्रै संगठनात्मक समस्या हो कि पुरै संगठनको उद्देश्यमा नै परिमार्जन गर्न पर्ने हो विचार गर्न जरुरी छ । संक्रमणकालिन विधान संक्रमणकालिन संगठन र संक्रमणकालिन कार्यभार निश्चित गरौं ।
४ समिक्षा शिर्षकको पृष्ठ चार दफा चारमा अस्पष्ट उल्लेख भयो जहा सशोधनवादी जडशुत्रीय जस्तै लाग्ने अध्यक्ष स्वयंद्धारा प्रस्तुत दस्तावेजमा प्रधान अन्तरविरोध भारतसंग, भारतका एजेण्ट कांग्रेस र एमाले उनीहरुसंगै मिलेर शान्ति र संविधान पुरा गरौं भन्ने लाईन नै दलाल र संशोधनवादी हो । त्यसकारण अव शान्ति र संविधानको संभावना छैन । विद्रोह गर्नुको विकल्प छैन भनिएको थियो । जसका कारणले पुरै वर्ष दिन संविधान निर्माणको काम ओझेल परयो । यसको कारणले पनि संविधान वनेन । यो पक्ष दस्तावेजमा उल्लेख गर्न जरुरी छ । समस्या समाधानमा नेतृत्व उदार भएको भन्दा पनि नेतृत्व स्वयं भ्रमित भै शान्ति र संविधानको वाटोका विरुद्ध विद्रोहको पक्षमा उभिएको जो संभव थिएन भनने छिटैै पुष्टि भएको थियो ।
५ नेतृत्वको उदारताको प्रसंग पार्टी वाहिर खासगरी कांग्रेस एमालेसंग संझोता गर्दा उदार हुने तर फरक मतप्रति असहिष्णु वन्दै पार्टी भित्र नोकरशाही भन्ने नै सही हुन्छ ।

 आत्मगत कारणमध्य
६ दफा ३ मा आफनै पार्टीको नेतृत्व सरकारले चुनाव गराउनाको सटटा अर्को नेतृत्व खोज्नु नै गल्ति थियो झन गैर राजनैतिक सरकार वनाउनु त महाभुल नै थियो भन्नु उपयुक्त हुन्छ । यो प्रसंग अन्तरिम संविधान अन्तरिम सरकार र संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनको अभिभाज्य श्रृखलासंग पनि तादात्म्यता आफनै पार्टीको नेतृत्वमा चुनावमा जाने कुराले मात्रै राख्दथ्यो ।
७ दफा ७ मा कार्यालयमा राजिनामाको प्रसंग उठाईएको छ जवकि केन्द्रिय कार्यालय पुर्व स्थायी समिति समेतको गृहकार्यमा प्रस्तुत गरिएको संगठनात्मक प्रस्ताव अस्वभाविक ढंगले असफल भयो । सो प्रस्तावप्रति केन्द्रिय समितिमा कसैको पनि समर्थन रहेन । पार्टी नेतृत्व पुरै असफल भएको प्रमाणित जस्तै भयो । यस्तो अवस्थामा केन्द्रिय कार्यालयमा आएको पदत्यागको प्रसंग त नैतिकतावोधको प्रतिक र केन्द्रिय कार्यालयलाई निकास खोज्ने उपायको रुपमा पो थियो कि ? अझै त्यति नै वेला संगठनात्मक प्रश्नलाई हल गर्ने अवसर पनि थियो तर त्यसो गरिएन ।
समस्यालाई थाति राखेर र भद्दा संगठन वोकेर निर्वाचनमा जानुको परिणाम यो पराजय हो भनेर किन नभन्ने ? तसर्थ दस्तावेजमा स्पष्ट आउन परयो ।
८ दफा ९ को सन्दर्भमा पार्टी अति केन्द्रिकरण भयो । अध्यक्ष वाहेक अरु कसैको केही जिम्मेवारी नहुने अवस्था आयो । निर्णय गरेर सकुर्लर गरेर पनि निर्वाचनमा वकिल साथीहरुको टिम तयार गर्ने भन्ने निर्णय कहिल्यै कार्यान्वयन भएन । यसैको परिणामस्वरुप निर्वाचन आयोग कसले हेर्ने हो कसैको जिम्मा थियो कर्मचारी खटनपटनमा हेर्ने जिममा कसको थियो मतदाता नामावली हेने जिममा कसलाई दिईएको थियो ? जवाफ छैन केन्द्रिय कार्यालय संग । गल्ती पार्टी दर्तादेखि नै भएको थियो । उपयुक्त जिम्मेवारी वाडफाडको अभावका कारण यो परिणाम आयो भन्नु उचित हुन्छ ।
९ दफा १० मा असन्तुलित र विना मापदण्ड उममेदवार चयन गर्ने काम कसले गरयो त्यो पनि किटान गर्न जरुरी छ ।
१० अन्तमा गल्ती कमजोरीको मुख्य जिम्मेवारी अध्यक्षको नै हुन जान्छ भनेर उल्लेख गनुभो यसो पनि न्यायसंगत हुदैन कहि भएको गल्ती स्वीकार नगर्ने कही नभएको पनि गल्ती मुल रुपमा अध्यक्षको नै हो भनेर टार्न पनि पाईदैन । ठोस ठोस कामका सन्दर्भमा कसको के भूमिका रहयो कसको के दवाव रहयो त्यसको पनि उल्लेख गर्न जरुरी छ । यही नेर २१ औ शताव्दीको जनवाद ,चुनवाड वैठकको निर्णय र हेटौडा महाधिवेशनको पनि मर्मलाई आत्मसात गर्दै नेतृत्वको टिम वैचारिक प्राधिकारको तहमा माथि उठने र नेतृत्व पुस्ता हस्तान्तरण गर्ने विकल्प नै उत्तम र सुन्दर हुन्छ ।

 पार्टी पुनर्निमाणको संगठनात्मक कार्ययोजना र तात्कालीन प्रस्ताव वारे
११ सर्वहारा वर्गको राजनैतिक अग्रदस्ता(खभलनबचम) वा जनपार्टी mबकक उबचतथ वा यी दुवैको मिश्रण ? कस्तो पार्टी वनाउन खोजिएको हो त्यसको स्पष्टता चाहियो । यो कुरा स्पष्ट भएको विधान चाहियो । विधानमा प्रत्यक पाच वर्षमा महाधिवेशन गर्ने, उमेरको हद ६५ वर्ष कायम गर्ने, दुई पटकभन्दा वढी उम्मेदवार हुन नपाईने र स्वेच्छिक अवकाश लिन पाईने व्यवस्था संलग्न हुन परयो ।
१२ हाल भएका पार्टी सदस्यको स्थिति के हुने हो वा नया पार्टी सदस्यता वितरण गर्ने हो ?गैर भुगोलको जिम्मामा रहेका कमिटि र सदस्यहरुको भुगोल के आधारमा कहा कसले कहिले र कसरी तोकिने हो र तिनीहरुको हैसियत के हुने हो ?
१३ पार्टी कमिटिहरु विघटन गर्ने सानो र चुस्त वनाउने कसले वनाउने को को रहने सम्मेलनमा जादा गुटवन्दी नगर्ने र नहुने कुराको पुर्ण प्रत्याभूति कसरी दिलाउने ?
१४ सरकारमा नजाने तर ???जाने? राष्ट्रपतिको निर्वाचन गर्न पर्ने तर ???नगनेर्? जस्ता विषय विकल्कुल सारसंगह्रवादी भए यतिवेला ठोस निर्णय गरौ आवश्यक परेमा तत्काल वैठक वसेर फेरौला सरकारमा नजाने प्रतिपक्षमा वस्ने राष्ट्रपतिको निर्वाचन
गर्ने भनेर किटान गरौं तव मात्रै पार्टीको स्पटता आउछ यस्ता व्यवहारिक कुरामा निर्णय गर्न पुरानै तरिका अपनाउने अनि सैद्धान्तिक जो अहिल्यै केही गरिहाल्न पर्दैन त्यसमा उदार हुने प्रवृत्तिले पार्टी पुनरनिर्माण गर्दैन ।

 जवस मोर्चा वारे
१५ जवस मोर्चा संचालनको स्पष्ट नीतिको आवश्यकता छ ।पार्टी मोर्चा जस्तो मोर्चा पार्टी जस्तो वनेको छ ।एउटा मोर्चामा पार्टीका केन्द्रिय सदस्यहरु र सल्लाहकारहरुको भिड लागेको छ सो किन जरुरी परयो ।
१६ फ्रयाक्सन भनेको पार्टी नीति मोर्चामा लागु गर्न राखिने व्यवस्था हो । पार्टी केन्द्रिय सदस्यहरुको भिडनै मोर्चामा रहने भए पछि प्mयाक्सन ईन्चार्ज नै किन चाहियो । या त पार्टी केन्द्रिय सदस्य नरहेको जवस मोर्चा निर्माण गरियोस या त तिनै केन्द्रिय सदस्यले नै पार्टीको नीति लैजान्छन् त्यसकारण फ्रयाक्सन ईन्चार्ज नरहने गरी यसको हल गरियोस । वरु यसको सटटा विभागको गठन गर्ने र विभागले जवस मोर्चाको व्यवस्थापन गर्ने काम गरोस ।
१७ जवस मोर्चाको जिम्मा लिएकालाई पार्टीको जिम्मा नदिईयोस वा दोहोरो जिम्मेवारीवाट मुक्त गरियोस । सत्ता मोर्चा र पार्टी वीच आवश्यक समन्वय गर्ने तर जिममेवारीको दोहोरो पन पटक्कै नगरियोस । एक व्यक्ति एक पदको अवधारणा लागु गरियोस ।

 खास अनुत्तरित प्रश्न
१८ दुईलाईन संघर्ष संचालन गर्ने विधी के हो ?
१९ नेतृत्व हस्तान्तरणको प्रकृया के हो र कहिले हो ?
२० संगठनात्मक सिद्धान्त के हो ?के का आधारमा जनवादी क्रान्तिका वाकी कार्यभार पुरा गर्दै समाजवादी क्रान्तिको ढोका खोल्छ ? सो को स्वरुप के हो र संचालन प्रकृया के हो ?


खिमलाल देवकोटा
केन्द्रिय सदस्य

एमाओवादीको आसन्न केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक र यसले गर्नै पर्ने केही कुराहरु खिमलाल देवकोटा

एमाओवादीको आसन्न केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक र यसले गर्नै पर्ने केही कुराहरु

यतिवेला एमाओवादी पार्टीको केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठक चलिरहेको छ । वैठक गंभिर समिक्षा गर्ने नै हिसावले जुटेको पनि छ । तर वैठकमा वोल्ने क्रममा प्रचण्डलाई देवत्तवकरण गर्ने र बाबुरामलाई धारे हात लगाउने यसै गरी बाबुरामलाई देवत्वकरण गर्ने र प्रचण्डलाई धारे हात लगाउने प्रवृत्ति पनि त्यतिकै हावी छ ।  लामो समय पछिको केन्द्रिय समितिको वैठकले मुख्यत यस निर्वाचनमा भोगनुपरेको पराजयका कारणहरुको पहिचान गर्ने र सोकालागि आन्तरिक पक्ष प्रधान भन्ने माक्र्सवादी मान्यतालाई आत्मसा तगर्दै आन्तरिक पार्टी संगठनको अस्तव्यस्ततालाई स्वीकार गर्ने  र त्यसलाई पुनरगठन गर्ने वाचा सहित त्यस्तो संगठनको भरमा चुनावमा जाने र चुनावको दिनसम्म पनि पार्टीको यो हालत हुने कुराको संकेत सम्म पनि नपाउने जुन लापरवाही र कमजोरी गरयो सो को नेतृतवले जिम्मा लिने र पार्टीलाई नया जिवन दिएर अघि वढाउने यिनै यिनै कार्यसुचिमा वैठक सकिने भएको छ । वैठक वस्ने र सकिने सामान्य औपचारिकताका विषय होलान तर एमाओवादी पार्टी यतिवेला पनि तयही औपचारिकता निर्वाह गर्ने धन्दामा अल्झियो भने लेखेर राखे हुन्छ एमाओवादीले नेतृत्व गरेको दशकौ लामो नेपाली क्रान्तिकारी आन्दोलको विसर्जन भयो । सायद यसो हुन केन्द्रिय समितिले दिने छैन । यसकालागि केन्द्रिय समितिले गनैै पर्ने विषयहरु निम्न छन् ।

प्रथमतः पार्टी हारका कारणहरुमा आन्तरिक संगठनात्मक लठथालिंग चाला र यस्तो अवस्थामा निर्वाचनमा होम्ने नेतृत्व नै मुख्य रुपमा जिम्मेवार हुन पर्दछ । अझ यस खालको निर्वाचनको क्रम सम्म ल्याईपुरयाउन विपक्षीले केही गरेर पनि ढाल्न नसकेको राष्ट्रपतिले तिनपटक कु को प्रयत्न गरेर पनि सफलता हात पार्न नसकेर जोगिएको आफनै नेतृत्वको सरकारको विकल्प खोज्ने आफैले घोषणा गरेको निर्वाचनलाई पहिला घोषणा गर्ने र पछि संविधान संशोधन नगरी संभव रहेनछ भन्ने निष्कर्षमा पुग्ने, सरकारको नेतृत्व गरिरहेको पार्टीले वजेट ल्याउन पनि नसक्ने र कथित चार दलको सहमतिका नाममा आंशिक वजेटमा सहमति जनाउने लगायतका कामको जिममेवारी लिन पर्दछ । साचो के हो केन्द्रिय समितिका सामु राख्न सक्न पर्छ । यस्ता कतिपय विषयलाई कुटनीतिक विषय भनिएला राजनीतिलाई कुटनीतिले संचालन गर्न खोज्ने र कुटनीतिलाई राजनीतिले संचालन गर्न खोज्ने मुख्य कमजोरी नेपाली राजनीतिक वृत्तवाट विगत देखि नै हुदै आएको छदै नै थियो त्यही विरासतलाई नै एमाओवादीले पनि पछयाउनु दुभाग्यको कुरा हो र यो प्रवृत्ति र परिघटनाको यही प्रसंगमा अन्त हुन जरुरी छ ।

दोश्रो पार्टी पुनर्गठनको अभियान निर्ममताकासाथ संचालन गर्ने यसकालागि मुख्य नेतृत्वले मुख्य जिम्मेवारी लिने र सोपानक्रम अनुसार जिममेवारी लिदै जाने यसकाागि नेतृत्वको मुख्य टिम अभिभावकीय भुमिकामा रहने र दोश्रो पुस्तालाई नेतृत्व हस्तान्तरण गर्ने विधिको अवलम्वन गरेर पार्टीमा नया जीवन पैदा गर्ने हिम्मत गर्न जरुरी छ ।

तेश्रो वैज्ञानिक नीति सहितको वैज्ञानिक पार्टीको पार्टी संचालन विधि वैज्ञानिक वनाउने यसकालागि विधान पहिला पारित गर्ने विधान वमोजिम पार्टी संचालन गर्ने प्राईभेट लिमिटेड  कम्पनीको अवधारणालाई पुरै निस्तेज पार्ने । यसकालागि कम्तिमा चिनीय कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीको अवधारणा जस्तै प्रत्यैक पाच वर्षमा महाधिवेशन गर्ने, केन्द्रिय सदस्यको उमेर हद ६५ वर्ष कायम गर्ने र पोलिटव्युरो र पदाधिकारीमा दुई कार्यकालभन्दा वढी रहन नपाईने वन्दोवस्त अनिवार्य रुपमा अवलम्वन गर्ने मात्रै हो भने पनि पार्टी संगठनमा हुर्किएका गलत प्रवृत्तिहरुको अन्त हुनेछ ।

चौथो आर्थिक पारदर्शिताको अवलम्वन गर्ने । निर्वाचन आयोगले आर्थिक विवरण माग्ने गरेकोछ पार्टीहरुले सो विवरण वुझाउने पनि गरेकाछन् तर यति झुट र नक्कली विवरण वुझाईने गरिएकोछ जसको पत्यार कसैलाई पनि भएको छैन । न त्यसको आधिकारिकता पार्टीका कुनै केन्द्रिय समितिवाट जाच गर्ने गरिएको छ । यस्तो पद्दतिले पार्टी पद्दतिमा मनपरीतन्त्रको विकास गराउने कामलाई वढावा दिने छ एकातिर भने अर्कोतिर पार्टी प्रति जनताको विश्वास पुरै गुम्दै जाने खतरा पैदा भएको छ । यस्ता विकृतिवाट मुक्ति पाउने उपाय नखोज्ने हो भने पार्टी विसर्जन वा विघटन हुनुको अर्को विकल्प छैन । पार्टीलाई विघटन वा विसर्जनवाट जोगाउन पनि आग्रह र पुर्वाग्रहवाट मुक्त भएर गंभिर आत्मसमिक्षा गर्न जरुरी छ ।

पाचौ, हालको पार्टी संगठन एक संयुक्त मोर्चामा परिणात भएको छ कुनै पनि संगठन निर्वाचित छैनन् र तिनीहरु तल्लो कमिटिमा उत्तरदायि छैनन् वरु तिनीहरु सवै माथिल्लो कमिटि वा नेतावाट आशिर्वाद प्राप्त छन् त्यसैले नेताप्रति मात्रै जिम्मेवार छन् । नेताप्रति मात्रै जिम्मेवार हुने जनतामा र कार्यकर्तामा निर्भर नरहने पार्टी संगठन चुनावमा यो दर्जाको पराजय भोग्न वाहेक अर्को के नै विकल्प थियो र जे रोपियो त्यही फल्यो भनेर आत्मसातीकरणकासाथ अव नया ढंगले पुनरसंरचना गर्ने हिम्मत गर्न जरुरी छ । तसर्थ सवै पार्टी कमिटि विघटन गर्ने र केन्द्रमा मुख्य नेताहरु चुनवाड वैठकको निर्णय अनुसार अभिभावकीय भुमिकामा रहदै दाश्रो पुस्ताका नेताहरुको सानो चुस्त दुरुस्त टिमलाई समन्वयको जिम्मा दिने र स्थानीय र निर्वाचन क्षेत्र स्तरीय पार्टी कमिटिको गठन सम्पुर्ण पार्टी सदस्यहरुवाटै निर्वाचनको माध्यमवाट गर्ने यसो गर्न सके मात्रै पार्टी नया र ज्युदो जाग्दो हुने विश्वास गर्न सकिन्छ ।

छैठौ गुटहरुको अन्त गर्नै कुरा पार्टीले धेरै पटक भनेको हो तर नेताहरुले कैल्यै गरेनन । यसो हुनुका पछाडि केही वस्तुगत कारणहरु छन् तिनको निराकरण नगरीकन गुटको अन्त नेताहरुको मनोगत चाहनालो मात्रै हुदैन सो संभव पनि छैन । माओवादी पार्टीको मुख्य नेतृतव विगत तिस वर्षदेखि नै निरन्तर छ त्यसै अनुकुल दोश्रो तेश्रो तहको निर्माण पनि भैराखेको छ । कुनै पनि तहको अवधि तोकिएको छैन उमेर हद पनि तोकिएको छैन अवकाश लिने त झन कतै संकेत नै छैन भने पछि माथिवाट पनि आफना खास मानिसहरुको छनोट अवश्यम्भावी वन्ने र तलवाट पनि आफनो खास स्वार्थ रक्षा र पद प्रतिष्ठाकालागि खास लवीमा रहन पर्ने वाध्यात्मक स्थितिका कारणले नै गुट निर्माणको आवश्यकता जस्तो वन्न पुगेको हो । गुटले पार्टी खाईदिन्छ त्यसकारण गुट अन्त गर्ने हो भने उमेर हद अवधि र आवधिक अधिवेशन र निर्वाचन जस्ता आधारभूत मान्यताहरु अवलम्वन गर्नै पर्दछ जो चीनीय कम्युनिष्ट पार्टीले धेरै वर्षदेखि गरिआएकै छ । यसो मात्रै गर्न सके पनि पार्टी नया वनाउन सकिन्छ ।

सातौ, अझै पनि नेपाली जनमत कम्युनिष्ट वाहुल्य नै छ । माओवादीकै मतको कुरा गर्दा पनि यस्तो प्रतिकुल अवस्थामा पनि करिव पन्ध्र लाख मत प्राप्त गरेकै छ । हजारौ पुर्णकालिन कार्यकर्ताको फौज पनि छदैछ । लाखौ समर्थकहरु पनि छन् तर ती सवैले मेरो भविश्य यो पार्टीमा छ भन्ने देख्न सक्न पर्छ । पुराना कैल्यै रिटायर्ड नहुने हालको पद्दति कायमै राख्ने हो भने पछिल्लो पुस्ताले कुनै आश नगर्ने मात्रै हैन यो पार्टीमा किन वस्ने भन्ने अवस्था आउने छ यस्तो अवस्था आउन नदिन नेतृत्वले त्यो पक्तिलाई आश्वस्त गराउन सक्न पर्छ अनयथा वुढाहरुलाई नेता वनाईदिईराख्नकालागि कार्यकर्ताको भिडमात्रै जोगाईराख्नकालागि तिसौ वर्ष कोही दास वन्न तयार हुदैन । यस्तो पद्दतिको उत्तर नेतृतवले नै दिन जरुरी छ ।

आठौ, नेपाली क्रान्तिको मौलिक रचना २१ ऋौ शताव्दीमा जनवादको विकास वारेको दस्तावेजमा भनिए झै माओवादी पार्टीले प्रतिस्पर्धालाई स्वीकार गरेको हो । यसो हो भने आफनो पार्टी संगठन नेता नीति र नेतृत्व प्रतिस्पर्धामा खरो उत्रन तयार पार्नै पर्छ । प्रतिस्पर्धिको ल्याकत क्षमता र योग्यताको आकलन विना जो कसैलाई पनि प्रतिस्पर्धामा उतार्ने हर्कतले यस्तै परिणाम वाहेक अर्को आश गर्न सकिदैन ।

नवौं , यतिवेला एक अर्कालाई धारे हात लगाएर मात्रै समाधान संभव छैन । अरुलाई दोष लगाएर आफु पानीमाथिको ओभानो हुने प्रयत्न पनि अर्को रुपको अवसरवाद नै हो त्यसैले सोपान क्रममा दोष स्वीकार गर्दै अव सच्याउने उपाय के होलान त्यसतर्फ खुला भएर सोच्न जरुरी छ । अलिकति रुपान्तरणका कुरा गरयो कि पार्टी फुटाउने वा नेतृत्व हत्याउने आरोपका वर्षा हुने गलत चिन्तनवाट पनि मुक्त हुन पर्छ र अरुले मात्रै गरिदिए हुन्थ्यो आफनो भागमा नपरे हुन्थ्यो भनेर उपदेशमात्रै दिने शैली पनि झन खराव हुन्छ यस तर्फ पनि सचेत हुदै अघि वढन जरुरी छ ।

दशौ, सर्वहारा वर्गको अग्रदस्ता पार्टीले दलाल र नोकरशाहरुलाई विश्वास गर्ने र तिनैसंगको हिमचिम वढाउने तिनैका भरमा पार्टी चलाउने तिनैका प्रतिनिधिलाई नयालाई अवसर दिने वाहानामा राज्यका हरेक अंगमा प्रतिनिधित्व गराउने यो प्रवृत्ति पार्टीकालागि आफैमा घातक हो । यसको प्रतिरक्षा हैन प्रतिवाद गरेर त्यसलाई सच्याउने आट गरेर जान जरुरी छ ।

एघारौ, राष्ट्रियताको मुद्दामा नेपाली कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको जन्म भएको हो । यद्यपि यतिवेला जसले चर्को राष्ट्रियताको कुरा गर्छ उ कुनै न कुनै वाह्य शक्तिवाट राष्ट्रहित विरुद्ध परिचालित छ भनने आशंका र सोको पुष्टि पनि हुने गरेको छ भने मण्डले राष्ट्रवादको भ्रमवाट पनि मुक्त हुनै परेको छ तर जे होस राष्ट्रियताका मामलामा चुक्यो भने त्यो पार्टीले जनताको माया र समर्थन र साथ पाउन सक्दैन यस तर्फ पनि पार्टी गंभिर हुन जरुरी छ खास गरी नेताहरुका शंकास्पद हिमचिम र उठवस कार्यकर्ता र जनताका सामु पारदर्शी पनि वनाउन नसक्ने अपारदर्शि हिमचिम जनता र कार्यकर्ताले नरुचाउने कुरालाई नेतृतवले मनन गर्नै पर्दछ ।
अन्तमा, एमाओवादीकालागि सायद यो नै अन्तिम अवसर होला पार्टी संगठन सुदृढ र सुसंगठित गर्नकालागि भन्न त धेरै चोटी भनियो यो पटक गर्नकैलागि हुन जरुरी छ । यस पटक निर्वाचनमा हराएर जनताले पनि सच्याउने राम्रो मौका दिएकाछन् यस मौकालाई सदुपयोग गरी जनतमा आधारित जनता तर्फ फर्केको जनताका प्रतिनिधि पार्टी साधारण सदस्यवाटै निर्वाचित पिरामिड आकारको पार्टी वनाउन विगतका विकृति विसंगतिहरुसंग नाता तोडन र नेताको जीवन कार्यकर्ता र जनताका सामु पारदर्शी वनाउन तयार हुनै पर्छ । नया ढंगको पार्टी निर्माणको अभियानमा जुटौ दासताको अन्तकालागि थालिएको कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको सदस्य हुनुका नाताले नेताहरुको दासतावाट पनि मुक्त होऔं एमाओवादी पार्टीलाई फेरि एकपटक जनताको पार्टी सर्वहाराको पार्टी राष्ट्र र राष्ट्रियता जोगाउने पार्टीका रुपमा स्थापित गरौं ।

“Why a Secular Republican Constitution for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?" paper presented by Khimlal Devkota :Symposium on Constitutional Designs for Diversity and Conflict Jakarta, Indonesia12-15 Oct.2009

“Why a Secular Republican Constitution

for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?"

presented

By Khimlal Devkota

Symposium on Constitutional Designs for Diversity and Conflict

Jakarta, Indonesia

12-15 Oct.2009

“Why a Secular Republican Constitution for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?" paper presented by Khimlal

Devkota :Symposium on Constitutional Designs for Diversity and Conflict Jakarta, Indonesia12-15 Oct.2009

2

Table of Content

Chapter I

1. Background:

2. Fact of Nepal

2.1 Nepal in figure

2.2 Nepal's political Development

2.3 Restoration of Multiparty Democracy

2.4 Maoist Revolution

2.5 Royal massacre Coup

2.6 Peoples movement second

2.7 Maoist in open politics

Chapter II

3. What is Secularism?

4. Nepal specific on Secularism

5. Secular state in the world

6. Why Nepal Became a Secular state

6.1 Royal Impunity background for secularism

6.2 Unconstitutional move and Govt.change

7 CA Secularism and Republican

8 Unconstitutional Move change Govt.

Chapter III

9. Revolutionary Changes

10. Religious Diversity

11. Effort to address the diversity

12. Secular state and consolidation in Interim constitution

13. Constitution making experience and practice

14. Hindu kingdom was in history of Nepal

15. Nepal-India relation and Hindu Connection

16. Secular state in constitution

17. Ultimately Nepal became secular state

18 Achievement on inclusion of diversities through new arrangement

19 Conclusion

20 References:

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“Why a Secular Republican Constitution for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?" paper presented by Khimlal

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Chapter I

1. Background:

Nepal has been going through an unprecedented historical transformation for last couple of years. The twelve years people's war led by Nepal Communist Party Maoist and popular movement of 2006 waged by Nepalese people under the leadership of Nepalese political parties have definitely ushered Nepal into a new era. Within these two and half years Nepalese people have witnessed a number of epoch making political changes. The peaceful and successful election of April 2008 has ensured one of the most representative Constituent Assembly. More than two century old Monarchism, which was based on, Hinduism, feudalism and autocratic system of governance, has been abolished forever. A federal democratic republican set up has been guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment of Interim Constitution. The country has been declared a secular state with a clear recognition of multi-religious, multiethnic and multilingual character of the state and a clear commitment to equally deal with all religions and ethnic groups in Nepal.

Now, the country, on the one hand, is in the process of socio-economic transformation of the Nepalese society in order to sustain the political achievements. On the other, we are engaged in the drafting of a new constitution to institutionalize those achievements. Of course, we are not going to make a new constitution in absence of our own constitution. In fact, Nepal is one of the rich countries having at least six constitutions within very limited time of six decades. However, the new constitution will fundamentally differ than all previous constitutions both in terms of process and spirit. This constitution will be proclaimed by the people's representatives, while all other previous constitutions were promulgated by the rulers either on their own or on the suggestions and recommendations of hand full experts loyal to them. In terms of spirit, unlike with previous constitution the new constitution is supposed to incorporate the ideals of democracy, fundamental human rights, people's supremacy, secularism, federalism and aspirations of the Nepalese people in real sense.

2. Fact of Nepal and its political Development

2.1 Nepal In figure

Before starting to delve into the topic of today‟s discussion, let me introduce Nepal briefly. Nepal is located in the southern part of the Himalayas, bordered with India in the South, East and West and with the Tibet Autonomous Region of the People‟s Republic of China on the North. Covering the area of 147181 square kilometers, the terrain expands from very low land -60 meters high- to the

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highest peak of world – the Mount Everest. Accordingly, the country is naturally diverse and rich in terms of climate, flora and fauna. The geographical diversity is adequately reflected in the socio-cultural life of the people. Demographically, it has the population of more than 23 million. Nepalese society is multi-ethnic and multi-lingual society. There are more than hundred ethnic groups most of them having their own mother languages and unique customs. The Sherpas, Limbus, Rais, Newars, Gurungs, Bahuns, Chhetris, Tharus and other people of different castes live together cooperatively and peacefully in Nepal. There are more then 100 spoken languages and 59 ethnic groups in the secular republican Nepal. Nepali is the country's official language and English is spoken and understood by almost all the people living in the major cities.

As far as religion is concerned, there are nine categories mentioned in population census 2001 Caste/Ethnicity, Mother tongue & Religion. Hindu 18330121, Buddha 2442520, Islam 954023, Kirat 188106, Jain 4108, Christian 101976, Sikh 5890, Bahai 1211, Others 78979 . However, this data often come into controversy as some marginalized communities and activists do not support this. The people here mostly follow Hinduism and Buddhism but apart from this some also practice animism, Tibetan Lamaism, shamanism etc. It is a country of "more Gods than the people", "More Temples than the houses" and "More festivals than the number of days in a year"!

2.2 Political Development

The first civilization in Nepal flourished around the 6th century B.C. They were confined to the Kathmandu valley, the present-day capital of the country. Prince Siddhartha Gautam was born in Lumbini, Nepal in 563 B.C. The growth of Buddhism in Nepal gradually gave way to Hinduism, with the influx of migration from India, around the 12th century. The foremost dynasties that ruled the then Nepal, such as the Gopalas, the Kiratis, and the Licchavis expanded their rule. But it was only in the reign of the Malla kings from 1200-1769 A.D., that Nepal assumed the approximate dimensions of a modern state.

Nepal came close to its present day form in the latter half of the 18th century when Prithvi Narayan Shah, the ruler of a small principality called Gorkha in Western Nepal, expanded the borders of his kingdom. His heirs however, proved unable to maintain firm political control over the country. After more than a year of hostilities with the then British East India Company, a commercial treaty was signed with Britain in 1792 and then again in 1816. After that, Nepal became economically dependent. However, it was not until 1923 that Britain recognized Nepal's absolute independence politically.

From the Day one of the Shah dynasty the process of Hindunization process was started in the name of building temples and starting worships in those temples. In

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the time of Rana regime and party-less Panchayat system, the process of Hindunization continued and became even deep rooted. As soon as King Mahendra came to the throne in 1955, after the demise of King Tribhuwan, he soon assumed direct rule, terming it "guided democracy". A new constitution was promulgated, superseding the Constitution of 1951. Again in 1962, a new constitution was drafted, which was the third in Nepal. The constitution introduced the party-less Panchayat system, which vested all the authorities within the King. Hinduism had played a crucial role in all these Constitutions. The King had been given all power of governance as Hinduism considers the King as a symbol of God.

2.3 Restoration of Multi Party Democracy

The political scenario in Nepal underwent a major change, right after the failure to negotiate trade and transit treaties with India disrupted the economy in 1989. In 1990, a pro-democracy movement forced King Birendra to lift the ban on political parties. 30 years of party-less Panchayat system introduced by King Mahendra was dissolved with the success of the people's movement.

A new constitution was promulgated. On November 19, 1990, King Birendra declared the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 2047. According to this constitution also, Nepal was officially declared Hindu Kingdom.

The first free election in three decades was held in May 1991. Within the period of 12 years of multi party parliamentary Democracy. Nepalese people got 13 governments and any parliament could not complete its full tenure. Political instability adversely affected the service delivery to people and further increased the people's dissatisfactions. The power was centered in palace instead of the people. The monarchism based on Hinduism was not acceptable for the Nepalese people of the twenty first century any cost. Society was in favour of revolutionary changes but the then Constitution was confined in Hindu tradition which was huge contradiction. In these circumstances dissatisfaction of the people became even stronger then environment of radical changes. As the time and situation was demanding people's revolution, Maoist's movement started at that particular time. Nepal was destined to see rampant political changes in the decade that followed.

2.4 Maoist Revolution

Due to feudalistic and autocratic monarchical system of governance based on

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Hinduism, poor service delivery and increasing political instability, the Maoist movement gained momentum in the country. In February 1996, the Maoist party started a bid to replace the parliamentary monarchy with a people's new democratic republic. They launched "People's war", led by Pushpa Kamal Dahal' Prachanda' and Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. The Maoists declared a parallel government of their own on the district level, in the areas where they had already formed a stronghold.

2.5 Royal Family Massacre and Coup

On June 1, 2001, the Royal Family massacre took place. None of the members of King Birendra's family survived the shootout. Very mysterious incident it was and still facts are unexposed. Prince Gyanendra, the younger brother of King Birendra, was then crowned the new King of Nepal. This incident proved that king is not incarnation of God Vishnu but he was blamed a culprit of Royal massacre. The faith on Hindu monarchism decreased and secularism movement was boost up.

The King had behaved like a representative of feudalism. Maoist movement was against it. The Maoist started to overthrow feudal characters rooted in culture, tradition politics, and social practices in rural areas. They started to reform temple pratices, over-ruled their economic aspect of guthi. They started to questioning of the arbitrary role of priests. As the tradition of depriving a large section of population (the arbitrarily defined as lower caste and untouchable communities) from religious practices in Hindu temples was heartening the sentiment of those people, the Maoist came right there for the cause of those deprived people. In this way the movement against Hindu kingdom was intensified and gradually took momentum.

In November 2001, government declared a state of emergency, as the Maoists attacked an army barrack in Dang, western Nepal: the Royal Nepal Army was deployed against them for the first time.

A state of emergency was declared in November and the army was ordered to crack down on the Maoist combatants. The rebels intensified their campaign, and the government responded with equal intensity, killing hundreds of general peoples including fighters from both sides, the largest toll since the insurgency began in 1996.

On January 29, 2003, the dialogue was held with the Maoists and ceasefire announced. However, the dialogue could not be successful. The Seize fire ended and conflict resumed again.

“Why a Secular Republican Constitution for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?" paper presented by Khimlal

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On February 1, 2005, King Gyanendra assumed complete sway in a bloodless coup. Several top politicians were put under house arrest and civil life was severely restricted. Telephone lines were cut off, media curbed and public gatherings forbidden. Without a parliament or a Prime Minister, King Gyanendra held full sway in appointing or displacing the members of his own formed cabinet.

In September 2005, the Maoist rebels declared a unilateral cease-fire, which ended in January 2006. To overthrow the King's grip, the seven party alliances held a meeting with the Maoist, in New Delhi, India. Consequently, in November 2005, the two sides signed a 12-point agreement. The agreement was about ending the prevalent violence and to forge ahead against the monarch. The parties, which were initially vocal against the Maoists, had joined hands with the Maoists, making it an eight party alliance. Together, they declared People's movement second, which went on for 19 days. In the 12 point agreement problems of society was well spelled out as class, caste, religion and sex. The republicanism, federalism and secularism was the spirit of that agreement.

2.6 People's Movement Second

In April 2006, massive pro-democracy protests were organized by seven opposition parties, supported by the Maoists, which went on for weeks. At the same time armed activities also were continuing simultaneously and supported by seven party alliance. They rejected the offer King Gyanendra made through his first address to hand over executive power to a prime minister. They said he had failed to address their main demands: the restoration of parliament and the redrafting of the constitution. After three more days of street demonstrations and bloodshed, on April 24, 2006, King relinquished power to the people. As pressure mounted and the protests intensified, King Gyanendra agreed to reinstate parliament. The new parliament stripped the king of his powers and selected Girija Prasad Koirala as Prime Minister. In May, it voted unanimously to declare Nepal as a secular state and strip the king of his authority over the military.

According to the 16 point and 8 point understanding between the seven parties and the Maoists, the interim constitution was drafted on August 25, 2006.

2.7 Maoists In open politics

The Maoists came into open politics on the condition that all agree on socio-economic transformation. The government and the Maoists signed the landmark Comprehensive Peace Accord in November 2006, ending 10 years of conflict by

“Why a Secular Republican Constitution for the Former Last Hindu Kingdom of Nepal?" paper presented by Khimlal

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agreeing to address root causes of the conflict. The agreement also called for integration of the Maoist army with the state security forces and making public the whereabouts of those forced to disappear by the state and the Maoists, among others. The Maoists agreed that those fighters who had joined the armed forces after May 25, 2006, or were under 18 years of age by that date would be discharged from the camps. The peace accord agreed to establish the interim parliament, and the government.

In March 2007, the Maoists joined the interim government. An agreement was inked to hold the Constituent Assembly Election in June 2007, through a mixed election system. The election however, was postponed after the Election Commission said the time line for preparations was not sufficient as the legal framework for the election was still not in place. The Constituent Assembly Election was rescheduled to November 22, 2007. However, months later on September 18, 2007, Maoists walked out of the government, demanding a fully proportional electoral system. They also claimed that Nepal had to first be declared a republic before holding the election.

On October 5, 2007, the Constituent Assembly Election, which was supposed to elect people's representatives to write a new constitution, was postponed. Maoists tabled motion in the interim parliament calling for a fully proportional election system and an immediate declaration of a republic. Resolution was accepted with majority, but the NC did negative vote.

The cabinet meeting held on Dec 28, 2007, declared Nepal a Federal Republic, to be implemented by the first meeting of the Constituent Assembly. A two thirds majority of the parliament passed the resulting constitution amendment bill, adopting Federal Democratic Republic and setting mid- April as the deadline for the conduction of the Constituent Assembly Election.

The amended Interim Constitution increased the number of Constituent Assembly members from 497 to 601 members, out of which 58% would be elected through proportional voting system and 42% through direct election. According to the system, 240 would be elected through the First-Past-The-Post elections in single member constituencies, 335 will be elected through national proportional representation and 26 will be nominated by the new government to be formed from the CA Election. With the passing of the Constitutional Amendment the Maoists rejoined the government on Dec 31, 2007.

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On January 11, 2008, the cabinet meeting set the new date for Constituent Assembly Election as April 10th 2008. They decided the election would be conducted on one day.

Chapter II 3. What is Secularism? The word secular means "of this world" in Latin and is the opposite of religious. As a doctrine, secularism is usually used in reference to any philosophy which forms its ethics without reference to religious dogmas and which promotes the development of human art and science. The term secularism was coined by George Jacob Holyoake in 1841 and he originally used it refer to the practice of the ethics of free thought. Holyoake did not believe that secularism and atheism were related, but at the time Charles Bradlaugh argued that atheism was a prerequisite for secularism. According to Holyoake Secularism is a code of duty pertaining to this life, founded on considerations purely human, and intended mainly for those who find theology indefinite or inadequate, unreliable or unbelievable. Its essential principles are three: (1) the improvement of this life by material means. (2) That science is the available Providence of man. (3) That it is good to do well. Whether there is other good or not, the good of the present life is good, and it is good to seek that good. Virgilius Ferm in his Encyclopedia of Religion, secularism is: ...a variety of utilitarian social ethic which seeks human improvement without reference to religion and exclusively by means of human reason, science and social organization. It has developed into a positive and widely adopted outlook which aims to direct all activities and institutions by a non-religious concern for the goods of the present life and for social well-being. Defined in such a manner, secularism is very closely related to modern humanist philosophies. It is easy to see why many religionists would oppose such secularism, provided they believed that the only means to improving humanity is through their own particular religious system. Secularism can, however, be used in a much narrower sense when conveying the idea that government and public policies should be "secular" in nature and therefore not reflect any sectarian, religious ideals - in other words, a strict separation between church and state. A great many religionists support such

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secularism because, in the public arena, it puts all religions and all religious beliefs on relatively equal ground about the government and public policies.

4 Impact of Hinduism in Nepal:

Hindu Religion had always played a prominent role in Pre 2005 Nepal, which was a Hindu kingdom. It was believed that king was personification of god Vishnu. Whatever done by the king, it was believed wish of the god, so no mistake. Nepali politics has been closely related with Hindu religion. The inseparable status of politics and Christianity had become a history long ago in Europe; but even up to 2005 the case in Nepal was quite different. Every traditions were made as per Hindu religion, official functioning style was also the same, structure of the society and state and government functioning was also according to the Hindu Religion.

Even today, the naming the place, persons and goods are mostly based on Hindu religion. Textbook teaching and learning process also the same. Every event and practices were Hindunized.

Despite being a multi-religious country, official religion was Hindu; multi-lingual country, only Nepali language was recognized as official language. Sanskrit language was considered more privileged and State had full funded the Sanskrit university. In the name of Hindu religion, a lot of property was allocated by the state in the name of guthi.

Government holidays and religious practices were Hindu based. Others religion were not recognized in the same proportion as Hindu. They were even suppressed by the state. Legal provisions were in place so that convert of Hindu religion and practice of other religion was assumed as an offence against state.

The tradition of untouchability is also granted from Hindu culture. As other religious groups are largely denied of entering into education system, working places and government employment, Hindu religion is heavily dominant in such places.

These above mentioned practices create two strata in Nepalese society – the upper and privileged strata and the lower and unprivileged one. Even thoughy the system was highly criticized politically, economically and socially for a long time, however, it was the royal massacre that intensified the criticism. The religious freedom was always a core concern of the excluded communities, which was quite impossible in a Hindu kingdom.

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5 Secular State in the world

A secular state is a concept of secularism, whereby a state or country is officially neutral in matters of religion, neither supporting nor opposing any particular religious beliefs or practices. A secular state also treats all its citizens equally regardless of religion, and does not give preferential treatment for a citizen from a particular religion over other religions. Most often, it has no state religion or equivalent.

A secular state is defined as protecting freedom of religion as pursued in state secularism. It is also described to be a state that prevents religion from interfering with state affairs, and prevents religion from controlling government or exercising political power. Laws protect each individual including religious minorities from discrimination based on religion.

A secular state is not an atheistic state (e.g. Albania under Enver Hoxha), in which the state officially opposes all religious beliefs and practices. In some secular states, there can be a huge majority religion in the population (e.g. Thailand, Turkey etc.) and in others; there may be great religious diversity (e.g. India, Lebanon, etc). Some may have de facto official religions, in which even though a government does not support or deny religion, it may require some members of its government to be a certain religion (e.g. Philippines, Indonesia, and Peru).

Secular states become secular either upon establishment of the state (e.g. United States) or upon secularization of the state (e.g. France). Movements for laïcité in France and for the separation of church and state in the United States began the evolution of the present secular states. Historically, the process of secularizing states typically involves granting religious freedom, disestablishing state religions, stopping public funds to be used for a religion, freeing the legal system from religious control, opening up the education system, tolerating citizens who change religion, and allowing political leadership to come to power regardless of religious beliefs. Public holidays that were originally religious holidays and other traditions are not necessarily affected, and public institutions become safe from being used and abused by religion.

Not all legally secular states are completely secular in practice. In France for example, many Christian holy days are official holidays for the public administration, and teachers in Catholic schools are salaried by the state. In India, the government gives subsidy in airfare for Muslim going on Haj pilgrimage.In 2007; the government had to spend Rs. 47,454 per passenger.

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Secular states map

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6 Why Nepal Became a Secular State

For long, the world‟s only Hindu Kingdom, Nepal recently declared itself secular. This is not just a symbolic move, but also the culmination of a silent People‟s Revolution aiming to restore democracy and the rule of civilized law in the land. The main objective of declaring Nepal as a secular state is to free the Nepalese society from deep rooted feudalism based on Hinduism. The move also fully recognizes the multi-religious multi-cultural and multi-ethnic characters of Nepalese society. 6.1 Royal Impunity background for secularism

The current Nepalese monarch King Gyanendra assumed Nepal‟s throne on 4 June 2001 as the beneficiary of his brother King Birendra Shah‟s suspicious assassination. Illegal activities such as hooliganism, vandalism, murder and many other types of criminal activities in and from the palace were never investigated by the then governments. In the same manner, the Royal massacre remained always uncovered. Crown prince Paras's several criminal actions were unpunished. Anarchy was dispread from the palace. The center of the injustice, which was so prevalent in the country during monarchism, was palace itself. More importantly, the businessman-turned-King steadily marched his country towards an absolute monarchy. This is the most important factor for the declaration Nepal as a secular state.

Gyanendra did not hesitate to destroy Nepal or Nepal‟s Constitution in order to „protect‟ it! The Constitution that Gyanendra left in tatters had come into being in 1990 during the reign of the assassinated King Birendra Shah, and was the basis of the general elections of 1991, 1994 and 1999. Unfortunately, elections brought no political or economic stability and the country saw nine governments in 10 years. This period also witnessed a Maoist insurgency that threw economic life in Nepal into serious disarray, created a sense of fear and insecurity throughout the land, and gained control of nearly 80% of Nepal‟s territory, the violent activities of the insurgents, and savage reprisals by the Royal Nepalese Army have caused the death of an estimated 13,000 Nepalese so far. It is purely political activities but within the political activities, religious belief was also inherent. Majority of the peoples didn't accept the activities carried out by the Gyanandra whatever legal or constitutional but because of extra moral extra ethical and extra religious too. Secular feelings were immerged in this way. King was taken as a good but Gyanendra's activities were far from god and not accepted by common man. Therefore, feeling and belief was broken then declaration of secular state was possible and nobody objected it.

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At the time of his coup in 2005, Gyanendra pretended that he wanted to bring back peace to the kingdom. Nothing of that sort happened, and the situation only got worse since when he usurped executive power. Even though he revoked the illegal Emergency on 29 April 2005, his despotic rule continued. His was a tyrannical regime marked by hopeless governance, incompetent administration and unaccountable actions. Intimidation of Human Rights activists, restrictions on the media, and brutal repression by the Royal Nepalese Army became the ingredients of every day life. 6.2 Massive suppression creates secular state

The developments in Nepal did not go completely unnoticed. In early 2005, the Paris-based Reporters Sans Frontiers posted a red alert on the Human Rights situation in Nepal. In July 2005, 8 UN experts described the situation as “extremely serious” because of secret detentions and widespread use of torture in the country. In October 2005, Human Rights Watch raised the alarm over a new Code of Conduct introduced for the media: under this new Code, FM radio stations were banned from broadcasting either news or any criticism of the royal family. The Code established a government-appointed Social Welfare Council to „oversee‟ the work of NGOs and made all employees of NGOs criminally responsible even for activities that they were not directly involved in. The Code also barred NGO staff from having political affiliations. That Nepal was a member of the then active UN Human Rights Commission made no difference to her domestic commitment to Human Rights. These all actions were not to protect the country neither people nor any religion especially Hindu religion.

However, the Janandolan – the people‟s movement clamouring for restoration of democracy – forced the superstitious despot to cut short his holiday and rush back to Katmandu on 12 April 2006. At its first meeting, the 205-member reinstated Parliament unanimously proclaimed that the King would be stripped of his powers and that the military would henceforth be brought under civilian authority – the King would no longer be the Supreme Commander of the Armed forces. The National Anthem which comically hails “May glory crown you, courageous Sovereign” and which equates worship of the King to patriotism was scrapped. The King would henceforth be subject to taxation, would no longer enjoy legal immunity and would be unable to name his heir to the throne.

Rejecting the King as the symbol of Nepalese unity, the people and Parliament broke the link between the State and the Religion in whose name the King reigned. Nepal, the world‟s only Hindu state, was declared a secular country by Parliamentary proclamation and it was consolidate by interim constitution.

What a pathetic fall for the King of Nepal who was propped up as the embodiment of Lord Vishnu for the last 238 years when Nepal was in the grip of the Shah and the Rana dynasties.

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7 Constituent Assembly Secularism and Republican

Twice deferred, Nepal's historic Constituent Assembly (CA) election was finally held on April 10, 2008. None of the parties succeeded in getting a simple majority in the CA. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) won [120 out of 240 in direct election and 100 out of 335 in PR election system ] 220 out of 575 elected seats, followed by the Nepali Congress with 37 seat out of 240 in direct election and 63 out of 335 in PR election system ] 110 seats. The Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) won [33 seats out of 240 in direct election 70 seats out of 335 in PR election system] 103 seats and the Terai-based Madhesi People's Rights Forum got all totle 52 seats. Through by-elections was took place after one year of original election date 3 seats out of 6 won by Maoist. One of the main slogan of the election was secularism which is clearly reflected in election result.

The final list of members elected under the proportional representation system was released on May 8, 2008. The members of the Constituent Assembly were sworn in on May 27, 2008, and the first session of the CA was convened on May 28, 2008. After declaration secular state most of the members sworn in in the name of people instead of in the name of god.

Out of 26 newly nominated members, 15 come from indigenous nationalities, religious minorities and six from marginal tribes. The cabinet on July 4, 2008 selected two legal experts and six women to the CA.

While the CA has the prime responsibility of drafting a new constitution for Nepal, it also functions as a regular parliament. Through the fourth amendment to the Interim Constitution of Nepal on May 28, 2008, the CA also provided for the first time, a largely ceremonial President, as the constitutional head of state. The same amendment also provided for a Vice President. However, the Prime Minister continues to be the head of the government.

The first session of the Constituent Assembly on 28 May, 2008, voted to declare Nepal a federal democratic republic, thereby abolishing the monarchy and secular state. 564 members of the Constituent Assembly voted for this motion, with 560 in favor and only four opposed.

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Of all the parties represented in the Constituent Assembly, only the Rastriya Prajatantra Party Nepal (RPP-Nepal) opposed the motion. On 29 May, the royal standard was removed from Narayanhity Palace and replaced with the national flag. On June 2, 2008 the former King said he had accepted the Constituent Assembly's decision.

The first President of Nepal was elected on July 21, 2008. Dr.Ram Baran Yadav from Nepali Congress was elected to the post by the Consitituent Assembly members. Earlier on July 19, 2008, the CA body had elected Parmananda Jha of Madhesi Janadhikar Forum as the Vice President.

On July 24th 2008, Nepal's Constituent Assembly elected Subash Chandra Nembang of CPN-UML as its chairman.

Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda, chairman of the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), was elected the first Prime Minister of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal on August 15, 2008.

8 Unconstitutional Move and Change Govt.

When Maoist led Government were in their duties president unconstitutionally intervened on COAS removal case. PM Prachanda resigned from his post and raised the issue of civilian supremacy. Maoist claimed that this move was not different then Royal coup. At that time king had referred constitutional provision article 127 but president did not think to refer any constitutional provision so he did not do any thing accept violation of legitimate decision of the Government and constitution. We designed constitutional provision relating to President was nominal head, He can do nothing. Cabinet shall do everything then president should seal each matters without any question. However, with having this constitutional provision some political parties went to the president with petition as past practiced by the king then president also ready to do it. So constitutional crisis is there all decisions related with Military are debatable. Democratization of Army is our constitutional provision Army is not ready to obey the order of the legitimate government's decisions. Due to this type of activities peace and constitution both are in danger. It is needed to resolve the politicians agreed matured political decision. At the same time as secular state government tried to reform in Hindu religion was started from management of Pashupati temple. But surprisingly, it was heavily criticized by the political parties who were in favour of secularism.

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Now we are in transition, not only in transition but great debate too. Consolidation of Republican and secularism are major task of new Nepal due to political turmoil peace and constitution is at risk. Peace without consensus is not possible. Likewise the passing of any single article of the new constitution requires the support of at least two third majority in the Constituent Assembly. Therefore, the peace and constitution, without Maoist participation, are quite impossible.

Chapter III

9. Revolutionary Changes

Nepalese peoples were desperately waiting for revolutionary changes especially for socio-economic transformation. As these issues were not fulfilled so peoples were not so happy. Furthermore, secularism was a big challenge than political one. It was deep rooted in the mind set of the people, leaders and society. These were the reasons for people's movements in Nepal that finally brought up historical changes in Nepalese politics. We achieved most important historically recorded issues such as republicanism, federalism and secularism.

10. Religious diversity:

When Nepalese society was governed under Hindu kingdom country was a Hindu. Others religion were not recognized by the state. There was no fund for other religion except Hindu religion. There was a Sanskrit University fully funded by the government but rest of the Language and religions were not being taken in account. National holidays national festivals, educational curriculum, and practices each were unilaterally in favor of Hindu religion. Legal and constitutional arrangements were also in that line. Religion was inclined to the state sovereignty and it was inclined to the King. This was the fact.

On the other hand, religious diversity was another fact of the country. There were so many religious communities they were happy to follow their practices. They had their own belief, their own sacred books, schooling practices, worship and other practices also. They were managing, on their own sources, their traditional festivals and beliefs.

Sometimes they were impressed from others religion and practices then they had changed their religion but it became illegal. They were charged punished and fine and kept in jail. However, they did not change their belief.

Food habits and meal practices were also affected from religion. For example cow is a sacred animal for Hindu but not necessarily for others. However, it is considered as a national animal and killing it is punishable. Most of Nepalese

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people's faith were not accommodated and accepted by the state. In fact, their religion was victimized always from the state in terms of practices in schools, festivals, curriculums, National holidays etc.

Thus, in Nepal as Hindu Kingdom there was a huge inequality between Hindu believers and believers to other religion. This, in turn, was creating the feeling of exclusion and deprivation in many Nepalese. And, this were the very reason of the need for secularism in Nepal.

Ultimately, we had declared Nepal as a secular state instead of Hindu Kingdom and we are committed to institutionalize this provision again in the new constitution to be drafted by the Constituent Assembly.

11. Efforts to address the diversity

Firstly, recognition to diversity from the state, state organs and political parties is a must. I am happy to mention that after the establishment of secular, republican and federal set up we are in right direction.

Secondly, we should ensure religious freedom. People should be allowed to practise whatever religious belief and practices they have. However we have an old and traditional legislation and traditionally guided bureaucracy and political leadership. We are not effectively able to properly address this issue. However, we are trying our best.

Thirdly, we are following affirmative action of positive discrimination ensuring special quotas for excluded and deprived people in almost all sectors of state institutions public services.

Fourthly, before now, there were no freedom to organize in the name of caste and religion but now there is no any obstacle. Everybody has right to organize for their welfare and their rights.

Fifthly, we agreed on mixed election system for proper representation of all the people. Due to the proportional representation system that we adopted CA has become one of the most representative legislations throughout the world. Genuinely speaking, all sectors of Nepalese society are quite rightly represented in the Constituent Assembly.

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Sixthly, religious rights are not only a bill of rights but also have been translated in practices and daily life. We have already changed several legislations. Others are in course of amendment. Along with this we are very much focusing on constitution making process. If we will be able to ensure these provisions in the fundamental law of the land we would be successful.

Even though, still there are a number of differences among political parties on various issues, we have achieved a huge success in terms of republicanism, secularism and federalism. Now we are focusing how to consolidate these valuable achievements. No doubt, there is several descending opinion too. Some are trying to dismantle this achievement and retreat back to the same status. We are also facing such type of challenges.

Past constitution had not mentioned Nepal as a multi religious but had defined Nepal as a multi-national, multi-linguist ………….Hindu kingdom.

Interim constitution has clearly defined the nation as:

'Having common aspiration of multiethnic, multilingual, multi religious, multi cultural characteristics and having committed and united by a bond of allegiance to national independence, integrity, national Interest and prosperity of Nepal, the Nepalese people collectively Constitute the nation.'

It further says that 'Nepal is an independent, indivisible, sovereign, Secular, inclusive and a fully democratic State.

12. Secular state and Consolidation

Politically secular state was declared immediately after April movement. People's war was for secular state too. However, April movement also coined their slogan within movement declaration of secular state election of constituent assembly and federal democratic republic. From the backing of movement, the then Parliament was reinstated. That parliament, through the adoption of a parliamentary declaration, had declared Nepal as a secular state, which was later on incorporated in the Interim Constitution.

A Provisions of Interim constitution

Right to Equality: (1) All citizens shall be equal before the law. No Person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws.

(2) No discrimination shall be made against any citizen in the Application of general laws on grounds of religion, race, sex, caste, tribe, Origin, language or ideological conviction or any of these.

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(3) The State shall not discriminate among citizens on grounds Of religion, race, caste, tribe, sex, origin, language or ideological Conviction or any of these. Provided that nothing shall be deemed to prevent the making of special provisions by law for the protection, empowerment or

Advancement of the interests of women, Dalit, indigenous ethnic tribes, Madeshi, or peasants, laborers or those who belong to a class which is Economically, socially or culturally backward and children, the aged, Disabled and those who are physically or mentally incapacitated.

(4) No discrimination in regard to remuneration and social Security shall be made between men and women for the same work.

Right against Unsociability and Racial Discrimination: (1) No person shall, on the ground of caste, descent, community or occupation, be subject to racial discrimination and unsociability of any form. Such a Discriminating act shall be liable to punishment and the victim shall be entitled to the compensation as provided by the law.

(2) No person shall, on the ground of caste or tribe, be deprived of the use of public services, conveniences or utilities, or be denied access to any public place, or public religious places, or be denied to perform any Religious act.

(3) No person belonging to any particular caste or tribe shall, while producing or distributing any goods, services or conveniences, be prevented to purchase or acquire such goods, services or conveniences; or No such goods, services or conveniences shall be sold or distributed only to a person belonging to a particular caste or tribe.

(4) No one shall be allowed to demonstrate superiority or Inferiority of any person or a group of persons belonging to any caste, tribe Or origin; to justify social discrimination on the basis of cast and tribe, or to Disseminate ideas based on caste superiority or hatred; or to encourage caste Discrimination in any form.

(5) Any act contrary to the provisions of sub-clauses (2), (3) and (4) shall be punishable in accordance with law.

Right to Religion: (1) Every person shall have the right to profess, Practice and preserve his/her own religion as handed down to him/her from Ancient times having due regards to the social and cultural traditional Practices. Provided that no person shall be entitled to convert another person from one religion to another, and shall not act or behave in a manner which May jeopardize the religion of others.

(2) Every religious denomination shall have the right to maintain Its independent existence, and for this purpose to manage and protect its Religious places and religious trusts, in accordance with law.

Article 33 (d) to carry out an inclusive, democratic and progressive restructuring of the State by eliminating its existing form of centralized and unitary structure in

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order to address the problems related to women, Dalits, indigenous tribes, Madhesis, oppressed and minority community and other disadvantaged groups, by eliminating class, caste, language, sex, culture, religion and regional discriminations.

(e) To formulate a minimum common program for socioeconomic transformation to eliminate all forms of feudalism and implement it gradually.

Article 35(3) The State shall, while maintaining the cultural diversity of the country, pursue a policy of strengthening the national unity by promoting healthy and cordial social relations, based on equality and coexistence, amongst the various religions, cultures, castes, groups, communities, origins and linguistic groups, and by helping in the equal promotion of their languages, literatures, scripts, arts and cultures.

B. Muluki Ain

Nepal was a Hindu kingdom since very long. The impact of Hindu kingdom was a symbol of feudal society. Politics and religion were inseparable in our context. Executive Power was exercised by the King who was from the Hindu religion Hindu religion is a major component of the Nepalese society. Nepalese code is also very old which we call Muluki Ain. It is based on Hindu feudal religion. Though, we changed our constitution but muluki ain is remaining the same. This is a caste based Code.Every thing is based on caste, religion and feudal system. We declared secular state in constitution and same constitution mentioned that cow is a national animal and according to the Muluki, Ain murder of Cow punishable as homicide.

C. Other legislation

These are the fact of the religious development of Nepalese legal and constitutional development. However, Nepal is a unique country in its nature and character. There is no any fundamentalism in any religious communities all religions are in good adaptation and cooperative mood and all are very liberal in their belief and attitude. All respect their own and other's belief and thoughts. When liberation movement was started then its impact was on the every corner of the Nepalese society. All were aware about their identity and rights. People's war became very good and effective tools for this purpose. Peoples war and April movement weakened the monarchy then all communities were gradually became stronger they tried to make their organization. It was not only belief on religion but was good connection with social transformation. It was big departure from feudal culture and mentality too. In 1990 constitution Nepal was mentioned as Hindu kingdom and nobody questioned it.

D. Ensured inclusiion

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First time Nepal made a strong provision for proper and proportional representation through enactment. The Election Law related with constituent assembly clearly mentions and fixes the quota. Election mandated to proportional representation through list from the political parties and Election commission have right to ask question to the political parties and correct them. When Interim constitution making process started then they became more active. The provisions in the Interim constitution has inspired others legislations like Civil Service Act, Police Act, Armed Police Act and so on.

The concept of inclusion has also accepted in Nepal Army too.

13. Constitution making experiences and practice

When we talk about 1990 constitution before that, we should analyze the current situation. At that time peoples movement was ended by compromise with king the compromise was among NC, Left Front and Palace. King was in strong position and power. The King was Hindu. But the voices, were in favour of secularism and for the Constituent Assembly too. At that time no body cared about it and all parties including left and communist parties agreed with king on Hindu kingdom. They gave up their demand of secularism. After the people's movement, the nation became Hindu kingdom and Hindu religion retained once again as state protected and funded religion.

People's movement of 1990 was also based on freedom from inequality and unequal treatment. After completion of movement, depressed people wanted justice. They wanted to ensure their rights in the Constitution and practices. However, they failed to achieve religious freedom as well as secular state again the state started exploitation and unequal treatment with other religion. After all, the peoples divided in different religion united themselves against Hindu monopolized Kingdom. They took part actively in Peoples war and peoples movement.

When we were in the phase of interim constitution writing at that time there were no such type of freedom in every sector of the society. Religious freedom and secularism was also another important issue of Nepalese society. However, Nepal is already declared secular state and we are in the process of consolidating it. Still there are many challenges ahead us. Some of Nepalese forces especially regressive forces want to retreat these achievement. And, others are also unhappy with these limited changes even in the form of secularism.

So Constitution drafting teams tried to meet concerned communities consult them and tried to convince them.

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Religious Diversity is the main character of our society but previously it was silent. Because of unitary state, it had only one culture; one language and one religion were recognized by the state. We do have a multi religion but formally, the nation was called Hindu, likewise we do have multi-language but it was recognized as one language Nepali as a National and official Language. We were in unitary state in the past and it was like a mono nation in state of multi-language, multi-culture and multi- religion.

There were so many religions in practice but they were not duly recognized by the state. All religions were flexible so there was no any conflict between and among religions. One religion was protected. It was heavily state funded. Hindu religion was official religion and formal one. Others religion were in marginalized position they were almost in vanishing point ,such type of unequal treatment were there but all religion and religious practices were very flexible .

There were certain domination by majority to minorities in every where The sphere of religion was also not in exception .In the time of monarchy there was no democracy, so no one could express their grievances in public. Their deep-rooted unhappiness could never be exposed. However, they were in the process of coming together and united each other knowingly or unknowingly. They had a good knowledge that the main problem was Hindu monarch. Monarchy had dominated democracy. Without abolition of monarchy democracy was not possible and without democracy religious freedom was also not possible. After long struggle of 10 years peoples war and peoples movement democracy was restored with weakened monarchy and more religious freedom.

In the constitution making process we adopt very new method. Preliminary draft and concept paper prepared by CA member themselves are based on people's opinion. We designed different thematic committees and another Drafting committee. We are now in the process of discussion. The focus of discussion is how to consolidate valuable achievements and on the basis of these achievements what can be further achieved in future. The secular issue is also in a same line.

14 Hindu Kingdom was in history of Nepal

The seeds of Nepal‟s institutional problems were sown in 1768 when King Prithvi Narayan Shah, King of the Gorkha principality who unified Nepalese territory by conquest, proclaimed Nepal to be the „pure land of Hindus‟ and „a garden of four

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varnas and thirty-six Jats‟. This official patronage of Hinduism and its primitive social structure was even more rigidly enforced during the time of the Ranas who ruled from 1846 to 1951. Jung Bahadur Rana founded the Rana regime. He proclaimed the Civil Code of 1854, which provided a legal footing for the ancient Vedic organization of society, and the customary practices of different jats. The dharmasastras – the Hindu texts – were the basis of law for nearly one hundred years which is entairly against secularism. 15 The Nepal-India Relation and Hindu Connection

In 1950 when King Tribhuvan and his family were in exile for a few months, the Present King Gyanendra – then a three-year old child and Tribhuvan‟s youngest grandson – was appointed King – but this was not recognized by any international powers. When Tribhuvan returned to Nepal, the 1951 the Interim Government of Nepal Act was passed. There was no mention here of Nepal being a Hindu state.

Nor was Nepal declared a Hindu state in the Constitution of 1959.

However, when King Mahendra seized power from his father King Tribhuvan through a royal coup in 1960, he ended the multi-party democratic system and introduced a party-less panchayat system. The Panchayat Constitution of 1962 declared Nepal as a Hindu state.

When the 1990 Constitution was adopted, it reaffirmed Nepal‟s identity as a Hindu state closely associated with the monarchy. Cow slaughter was banned, and the absolute ban on religious conversion was reconfirmed. Safeguarding the tradition of Hindu supremacy and promotion of the Sanskrit language was considered a duty of the state.

While Nepal is a small kingdom, neighboring India has 800 million Hindus, whose far right leaders the King wooed: indeed the head of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (the World Council of Hindus) which terrorised the minority Muslim communities in India was one of the first guests of the King after he took over Nepal. The seventh World Hindu Conference, held in Gorakhpur (India) in February 2003, passed a resolution to protect the Hindu Emperor in Nepal – and when Nepal was declared a secular state, it seemed as if there was more sadness expressed in India than in Nepal. The Hindu state that came into existence in Nepal was an abhorrent one. 16 Secular state in consolidation

Half-baked western scholarship explains the problems of South Asia as being a result of fatalism. The people of Nepal gave the lie to this by becoming masters

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of their destiny. However, their job has only just begun. Now the task of nation building needs to be taken up in right earnest.

Abject poverty remains the plight of a majority of Nepalese: over 9 million out of the 26 million Nepalese live on less than the equivalent of one dollar a day. Half the population does not have access to either clean water or to electricity.

The restored Parliament‟s resolution to reserve 33% of all Government posts for women should be turned into a law as soon as possible – neighboring India is still unable to move a similar law through Parliament, demonstrating how progressive the political forces in Nepal are. A Nepalese rights group as violating women‟s rights has identified some 118 laws. These must be scrapped or modified as appropriate.

Peace must be re-established, for which the Army must be reigned in, and the Maoists have to be integrated into the new national Army. Unless peace is made with the Maoists, satisfactory functioning to a Constituent Assembly and framing a new constitution cannot be guaranteed. The insurgents wanted a secular republic and their interim goal is a bourgeois democratic system. The secular state has been secured.

Nepal‟s other institutions have to be strengthened too – for example the courts have a progressive role to play in modernizing Nepal‟s society. When in January 2005 the Supreme Court refused to entertain a bid to restore Parliament and trying to maintain stastus quo and serving to their master King are critical notion though the Supreme Court has impressed in many ways:On August 10, the Supreme Court stayed the government‟s order closing down the private radio station FM 91.8.

In September 2005, the Court ruled that the practice of keeping women in cow sheds during menstruation be stopped.

In November 2005, the Supreme Court ruled that women under 35 years of age could apply for passports without permission from parents or husbands.

In December 2005, the Supreme Court asked the government to scrap a discriminatory rule that required women to seek permission from family members if they intended to sell inherited property. The Supreme Court also asked the government to review the provision under which a daughter has to return any inherited property to her paternal home after getting married.

A number of other features bode well for Nepal in the period ahead: the existing rules prohibit political parties named after religions or castes. This means that it should be possible to encourage secular parties whose agenda would be

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people‟s development rather than exploiting differences in society. The new government should take care that now that Nepal is no longer a Hindu state, the Christian and Muslim evangelical vultures from abroad do not land with their sack loads of money to exploit the people‟s ignorance and convert them to their own brand of superstitions. The government should introduce educational programmers for all Nepalese, which will impart modern knowledge and cultivate critical intelligence. 17 Ultimately Nepal became secular state Above all, the triumphant people of Nepal have demonstrated that they can be creators of their own history. They have shown themselves to be capable of creating a silent and responsible revolution: they will be both the architects and the custodians of the new Nepal they desire. Ultimately Nepal became a secular state through crossing several hinders and obstacles. 18. Achievement on Inclusion of diversities through new arrangement:

First, we should know why Nepal became secular state. Whatever we describe above chapter those all are root cause of the declaration of secular state and revolutionary change. I tried to explain and present fact relating to revolutionary change for secular state from Hindu kingdom. Those all are encouraging factors of diversity. Whatever I mentioned facts and figure and trends of Neplese society within that solution is there. Problems always cannot survive without solution is also applicable in this case.

When Hindu Kingdom set aside religious diversity they had gone forever. So we have to address those diversity, it is because our achievement were with the strength of the diversity is rightly taken in account.

We achieved a lot in the field of inclusion and diversities. We are really departing from ancient traditional society to modern society, and inclusive of diversities along with overthrow of the Hindu Kingdom. We were able to hold peaceful election of the Constituent Assembly and make it one of the most representative legislative bodies throughout the world. We ensured the representation of each and every marginalized sectors of society even third gender representation. We are committed to include all Nepalese in mainstream of nation-building process. We are committed for revolutionary changes not only in political but also in socio-economic front.

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We fully agree that without effective participation and full representation of all sectors of Nepalese society, neither we can sustain our achievements, nor we can make a new Nepal – a just, peaceful and prosperous Nepal. We are also aware that given the literacy level of Nepalese people, we may not achieve quality and desired result while adopting representation policy, but we are also sure that this is the only way to enable Nepalese people who are excluded and deprived for centuries. We also understand that if we fail to address their problems and sentiments, the change and achievement cannot be long lasting. Lastly, Diversity is not a burdened of the society as well as country but it is asset of the society. If we sincerely address the demands of the diverse community we will be able to address the real problems of the society. 19. Conclusion

Secular Nepal became possible only after long efforts of the religious freedom fighters. It is a result of scientific idea, practical motion and real spirit of the people. If your Idea is on basis of science it can be practical. If your practical Idea is implemented in the society it can be adopted. If it is adopted that can be way of life of the human being, which can be long lasting. Let us make our religious belief more practical more scientific and easier to adopt. Then welfare of the human being can be achieved. Let us try to address all type of problems with realistic approach and address all grievances through your positive manner that could be success.

References

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 Interim Constitution of Nepal,2007BS

 Constitution of Kingdom of Nepal 2015,BS

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 Declaration of Parliament 2063,BS

 Comprehensive Peace Accord 2006

 Interim Constitution of Nepal 2063,BS

 Population Census 2001: Central Buerau of Statistics,Govt.Of Nepal

 htpp://www.en.wikipedea.org/wiki/secular_state

 htpp://www.en.wikipedea.org/wiki/secularism

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 Dixit, Kanak Mani : State of Nepal, 2005

 Baral, Lok Raj: Oppositional Politics in Nepal, 2006