We are in historical moment. After a six decade long struggle Nepal became able to have an election of Constituent Assembly. Issue of Constituent Assembly is not a general election like parliamentary election but it is interrelated with 10 year long people's War i.e. state restructuring, declaration of Republican, Social economic transformation.
Apart from state restructuring and socio-economic transformation, we should choose system of government. Maoist raised their arms and led the revolt against parliamentary system which was recently reinstated after 1990 movement. They have logic in favor of this revolution, was it is completely failed system? Parliamentary system is unable to address the problems of the people and the nation. It is proved that Nepal should select another system, rather than parliamentary one.
Nowadays all the parties are engaged in election and they have publicised their Manifesto. In this Manifesto should have mentioned system of government. What sort of system of government they want and what are the logic behind their proposal it should be convinced to the people.
In this context, CPN-Maoist has proposed presidential forms of government system. In this connection they have proposed Chairman Com. Prachanda as the president. After this formal statement put forwarded by CPN-M so many question have been raised. Some of them are questioning is it a election of president of Constituent Assembly? Others are entirely against Presidential form of government. It means they wanted to retain status-quo; means old failure parliamentary system. In this context we have to know what the meaning of preseidential system is and which it is far better than the parliamentary.
Firstly, CPN-M has full knowledge of constituent assembly because of he is a main and only the champion of the CA. CA makes new constitution there is no doubt. But in our context it is quite different. CA doesn't makes only new constitution. It shall execute republican then and these by first meeting. In the context of execution of republican we need president. So it is urgently needed to propose candidate of president, which is rightly done by the CPN-M.
Secondly, CA should have designed new system of government. CA writes new constitution within this constitution what sort of government system would be there it should be mention in the constitution. For this purpose any political party should have taken consent from the side of people or voters. Without any purpose system of government how can you go to the people and how can people trust you? Without people's approval or consent can you write new constitution in the name of CA? So those political parties who had proposed it they did well them these who are failed to do it they will cheat people once again.
Thirdly, presidential system of government is quite good alternative of past parliamentary system. Good alternative of failure system, ineffectiveness system and anti-people system. The beauty of parliamentary system is ruling and opposition. Ruling always rule the country and opposition always opposes it but the result is nothing. Instead of this nonsense system we should have follow the consensus model of government rather than majority model. In the consensus model we need strong president accepted by all forces.
Fourthly, we are in transition, at the time of transitional phase state would be very weaker regressive force would have some conspiracy against change. So it is appropriate to follow consensus model with strong president.
Fifth, because of weak and transitional situation we need strong and responsible leadership. All authority is vested at one centre and head of the state is a executive as well as of the executive.
Sixth, unity of control, quickness in decision is another feature of the presidential system. Executive president is responsible towards nation and people if any emergency president can decide himself quickly and firmly. Presidential system is able to face at any risk and emergency.
Seventh, in the presidential system, president would be a chief of foreign policy maker and at the same time s/he would be a supreme commander of the army and armed forces. So president can take decision whatever peace and war without any parliamentary hesitation and bureaucratic zigzag.
Eighth, Presidential system is able to appoint experts for the sake of nation without party and parliamentary politics. In our context it could be appropriate system because of more partition experts are discouraged. Such problems also can be solved.
Ninth, Presidential system shall be stable at least his tenure. So within his tenure president can fully devote to the nation without any parliamentary control.
Tenth, Presidential system suit for divers nation like Nepal, in this system all class, caste, gender and qualification can be utilized. All the experts can use their qualification and their ability.
Conclusion
Nepal is searching their system in the new constitution through the election of constituent assembly. We faced parliamentary system and we became frustrated from that system and system themselves create conflict and unable to resolve it. So we need an active system which is able to address the problems of the society and restructuring of the society the problems of the lifestyle of the people. Socio economic transformation, forward looking change and rapid transformed the society is need of time. So presidential system can serve this purpose this is fulfilled by MLM and Prachandapath, Prachanda and president Prachanda as presidential system. Let us farewell the parliamentary system as new and effective system. Red salute to Com. Prachanda, president in waiting.
Welcome to you all in my blog NEPALI IDEA. This is my personal blog. All ideas do not necessarily reflect and represent my other positions. -Khimlal Devkota, Faculty, ICMS, Ph.D. Scholar, Constituent Assembly Member/Senior Advocate, Board of Directors, National Legislative Academy.
Saturday, July 31, 2010
Tuesday, July 20, 2010
म्याद थपिएको जागिर
तोकिएको अवधि दुई वर्ष पार गरेर पनि संविधान संशोधन गरी थपिएको एक वर्षको पहिलो महिनामा शान्ति र संविधान सवैभन्दा वढी जप्ने मन्त्र वन्यो तर शान्ति र संविधानका वारेमा कहि कतै पनि देखिने उपलव्धी भएका छैनन् । म्याद थपिए पछि पनि यस्तै हुन्छ भनेको भए सायदै मानिसहरु म्याद थप्ने पक्षमा उभिन्थे होलान् । जव संविधान वनाउने काम आरम्भ मात्रै के भएको थियो ठूला ठूला अक्षरमा लेखियो ठूला स्वरमा वोलियो खवरदार दुई वर्ष भित्र संविधान वनेन भने ६०१ जनालाई वाधेर लडाईन्छ म्याद थपेर आफनो आयु लम्व्याउने धृष्टता नगर । तर जव म्याद सकिनै आटयो । ती आवाज र अक्षर फेरिए खवरदार संविधानसभा मार्न पाईदैन म्याद थपेर भए पनि यसलाई वचाउन पर्छ । आखिर राति वाह्र वजे भए पनि म्याद थपियेा छोटो वाटो अवलम्वन गरेर संविधान संशोधन गरियो । संविधानसभाको वच्यो त्यतिवेलाको माहौल सभासदले आफनो जागिर लम्व्याउ कसैले भनेन संविधानसभा वचेकोमा वचाउन योगदान गरेकोमा आफुलाई धन्य संझिए ।
आज म्याद थप गरेको एक महिना पूरै वित्यो संविधान सभाको वैठक त वसेकै छैन संविधान लेखनका नाममा सिन्को पनि भाचिएको छैन । हिजो संविधानसभा भित्र र वाहिर यत्र तत्र सर्वत्र संविधानसभा कुनैपनि हालतमा वचाउन पर्छ नत्र खवरदार भन्ने आवाजहरु कतै सुन्न पाईदैन ती आवाजहरुले विश्राम लिएका छन् । म्याद थपिनेहरु किन थपिएको होला वुझन पनि सकिरहेको स्थिति छैन ।
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप नगरेर राजनैतिक शून्यता सिर्जना गरिदिने माओवादीले प्राप्त गरेको चालिस प्रतिशतको दम्भ र वैधतालाई तोडिदिने ख्यालख्यालको हैन साच्चैको कठपुतली सरकार वनाएर देखाई दिने राष्ट्रपतिलाई विस्तारै श्रीपेच ओडाएर ज्ञानेन्द्रको ठाउमा ह्दयन्द्र वनाईदिने र उमेर वढदै जादा आफना उमेर वावु ज्ञानेन्द्रले गरेको जस्तै पौरख गराउने खेल अनायाशै ध्वस्त भयो । संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्नुको सर्वाधिक राजनैतिक उपलव्धी यो भने पक्कै हो ।
संसारकै नमूनालायक समावेशी संविधानसभा सभासदहरुकालागि पनि अर्को पटक त सकिन्न भन्ने निष्कर्षमा पुगेका वखत म्याद नथपिए चुनावको लागनी राम्ररी स्वाद फेर्नै नपाई सकिने भो हुदा हुदा सभासद भएका नाताले श्रीमानहरु श्रीमानका वावा आमा काका काकी भान्जा भान्जी भान्ज्ाीका देवरहरु सवैलाई राजधानीमा ल्याईएको थियो वच्चा वच्ची वोर्डिडमा पढाइएको थियो त्यो सवै दुई दिनको रामछाया हुने भो भन्ने ठूलो पिर थियो अुझै जेष्ठ महिनाको पारिश्रमिक नपाइएका कारणले डेरा भाडा पनि श्रृणमा थियो अव श्रृणको भारी वोक्न नपर्ने भयो । व्यक्तिगत पाुईदा यो भएको छ संविधानसभाको म्याद थपेर यो पनि अर्को पक्कै हो ।
अर्को पनि के साचो हो भने जेष्ठ चौध गते राति म्याद नथपिएको भए भोलिपल्ट संकटकाल त हैन कफर्यू लगाउने तयारी थियो देश अलिकति अशान्त तर्फ अलिकति निरंकुशता तर्फ जाने पक्कै थियो जननिर्वाचित संस्था नहुदाको पिडा मुलुकले शाही कालमा नै भोगेको थियो त्यसैलाई ल्फयासव्यक मात्रै गरे पनि हुन्छ अरु गर्न पर्दैन यसवाट भने जोगिएको छ ।
देश र जनताकालागि शान्ति र संविधानकालागि मानिसहरुले उपलव्धी खै भन्यो भने हामीले देखाउन लायक कुनै पनि चिज देख्न सक्दैनौ यो भने विडम्वना नै हो ।
मुलुक अझै पनि दुर्घटनावाट वचेको छैन । दुर्घटना पछि सारिएको मात्रै छ । माथि उल्लेख गरिएका घटनाहरुको लागि तयारी नपुगेका कारणले मानिसहरु संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्न वाध्य भएका पनि उदाहरणहरु छन् जननिर्वाचित संस्थाहरु सिध्याईदिएर अर्को निरंकुशता हुर्काउनकालागि ती संस्था र पात्रहरु तयार नभैसकेका कारणले पनि यो म्याद वढाइएको हुनसक्छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउनेहरुलाई साचो वा झूठो भविश्यले नै प्रमाणित गर्नेछ अहिले नै यो भन्दा वढी लेख्नु समय अघि हुनेछ ।
यतिवेला उठाउनै पर्ने कुरा के हो भने संविधान सभाको चुनाव किन भएको थियो । संविधानसभाको गठन किन भएको थियो । यसको कार्यकाल किन वढाईएको थियो म्याद वढाएर संविधानसभा वचाउनुपर्छ किन भनिएको थियो यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर आम नेपाली जनताले खोजेका छन् र पछि सम्म खोजिरहनेछन् । तर यसको जवाफ यति नै वेला संविधान लेख्न खटिएका ६०१ मध्यकै म्याद वढाउने खेलमा सहभागि नभएका सभासदहरुलाई भने तुरुन्तै चाहिएको छ । कि यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर दिन सक्नुपर्छ र अन्यथा उद्देश्य भएको कुरा पुष्टि गर्नुपर्छ कि संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई तदारुकताकासाथ अघि वढाएर निष्कर्षमा पुरयाउनुपर्छ यी दुई मध्य एक कुरा दिनकालागि नेताहरुले क्षमता देखाउनै पर्छ । शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा यो यस पुस्ताका नेताहरुले क्षमता प्रदर्शन गर्ने उपयुक्त वेला हो ।
अन्तमा कुरा वर्गहरुको नै हो वर्ग स्वार्थको नै हो कुन वर्गले राज्य चलाउने कसका विरुद्ध अधिनायकत्व थोपर्ने भन्ने नै यतिवेलाको मुख्य प्रश्न हो । सामन्तवादका सवै रुपहरुको अन्त गर्ने राज्यको दायित्व हामीहरुकै वाचा कवोल हो । यतिवेला सामन्तवादको नाईके ढले पनि यसका अन्य रुपहरु र अवशेषरुले टाउको उठाउन खोजेकै कारण मुलुक यो अलमलमा छ । शान्ति र संविधान सामन्तवादका विरुद्धमा कि सामन्तवादका पक्षमा सामन्तवादसंग गठजोड गरेर कि त्यो संग संझौताहिन संघर्ष गरेर यतिवेलाको अहं प्रश्न यही हो । वर्ग रहेसम्म वर्ग संघर्ष जारी रहन्छ यो सार्वभौम नियम ाहो तर संघर्ष कसका विरुद्ध गर्ने निशाना कहा सोझयाउने प्रष्ट हुन जरुरी छ निशाना को किटानी गर्दा एक आध घटना प्रभावित भएर हैन व्यक्तिगत लाभ वा हानिलाई आधार मानेर हैन देश र जनतालाई साक्षी राखेर र वर्ग प्रति ईमान्दार भएर गर्न जरुरी छ । सामन्तवाद मुख्य शत्रु हो र यसलाई भरथेग गर्ने आन्तरिक र वाहय शक्तिहरुको पहिचान सहितको यथार्थपरक आकलनवाट मात्रै नया रणनीति र कायनीतिको विकास गर्न सकिन्छ र सक्नु पर्छ । यदि ०६२ ।०६३को जनआन्दोलन सामन्तवादका विरुद्धको लडाई थियो भने जनयुद्ध लडेको पार्टीले मात्रै हैन जनयुद्ध नलडेको पार्टीले पनि गंभिर भएर सोच्न जरुरी छ । यो गहिराईमा नसोची शान्ति र संविधान सार्थक हुदैन । शान्ति र संविधानको मुख्य वाधक को हो जो नेपाल र नेपाली जनताको उन्नति र प्रगतिको वाधक वनेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानलाई देश र जनताको मुक्तिभन्दा भिन्न राखेर हेर्न सकिन्न हेर्न पनि हुदैन । राजनीति कार्यदिशा स्पष्ट पारौं यतिवेलाको मुख्य कार्यभार यही हो ।
आज म्याद थप गरेको एक महिना पूरै वित्यो संविधान सभाको वैठक त वसेकै छैन संविधान लेखनका नाममा सिन्को पनि भाचिएको छैन । हिजो संविधानसभा भित्र र वाहिर यत्र तत्र सर्वत्र संविधानसभा कुनैपनि हालतमा वचाउन पर्छ नत्र खवरदार भन्ने आवाजहरु कतै सुन्न पाईदैन ती आवाजहरुले विश्राम लिएका छन् । म्याद थपिनेहरु किन थपिएको होला वुझन पनि सकिरहेको स्थिति छैन ।
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप नगरेर राजनैतिक शून्यता सिर्जना गरिदिने माओवादीले प्राप्त गरेको चालिस प्रतिशतको दम्भ र वैधतालाई तोडिदिने ख्यालख्यालको हैन साच्चैको कठपुतली सरकार वनाएर देखाई दिने राष्ट्रपतिलाई विस्तारै श्रीपेच ओडाएर ज्ञानेन्द्रको ठाउमा ह्दयन्द्र वनाईदिने र उमेर वढदै जादा आफना उमेर वावु ज्ञानेन्द्रले गरेको जस्तै पौरख गराउने खेल अनायाशै ध्वस्त भयो । संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्नुको सर्वाधिक राजनैतिक उपलव्धी यो भने पक्कै हो ।
संसारकै नमूनालायक समावेशी संविधानसभा सभासदहरुकालागि पनि अर्को पटक त सकिन्न भन्ने निष्कर्षमा पुगेका वखत म्याद नथपिए चुनावको लागनी राम्ररी स्वाद फेर्नै नपाई सकिने भो हुदा हुदा सभासद भएका नाताले श्रीमानहरु श्रीमानका वावा आमा काका काकी भान्जा भान्जी भान्ज्ाीका देवरहरु सवैलाई राजधानीमा ल्याईएको थियो वच्चा वच्ची वोर्डिडमा पढाइएको थियो त्यो सवै दुई दिनको रामछाया हुने भो भन्ने ठूलो पिर थियो अुझै जेष्ठ महिनाको पारिश्रमिक नपाइएका कारणले डेरा भाडा पनि श्रृणमा थियो अव श्रृणको भारी वोक्न नपर्ने भयो । व्यक्तिगत पाुईदा यो भएको छ संविधानसभाको म्याद थपेर यो पनि अर्को पक्कै हो ।
अर्को पनि के साचो हो भने जेष्ठ चौध गते राति म्याद नथपिएको भए भोलिपल्ट संकटकाल त हैन कफर्यू लगाउने तयारी थियो देश अलिकति अशान्त तर्फ अलिकति निरंकुशता तर्फ जाने पक्कै थियो जननिर्वाचित संस्था नहुदाको पिडा मुलुकले शाही कालमा नै भोगेको थियो त्यसैलाई ल्फयासव्यक मात्रै गरे पनि हुन्छ अरु गर्न पर्दैन यसवाट भने जोगिएको छ ।
देश र जनताकालागि शान्ति र संविधानकालागि मानिसहरुले उपलव्धी खै भन्यो भने हामीले देखाउन लायक कुनै पनि चिज देख्न सक्दैनौ यो भने विडम्वना नै हो ।
मुलुक अझै पनि दुर्घटनावाट वचेको छैन । दुर्घटना पछि सारिएको मात्रै छ । माथि उल्लेख गरिएका घटनाहरुको लागि तयारी नपुगेका कारणले मानिसहरु संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्न वाध्य भएका पनि उदाहरणहरु छन् जननिर्वाचित संस्थाहरु सिध्याईदिएर अर्को निरंकुशता हुर्काउनकालागि ती संस्था र पात्रहरु तयार नभैसकेका कारणले पनि यो म्याद वढाइएको हुनसक्छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउनेहरुलाई साचो वा झूठो भविश्यले नै प्रमाणित गर्नेछ अहिले नै यो भन्दा वढी लेख्नु समय अघि हुनेछ ।
यतिवेला उठाउनै पर्ने कुरा के हो भने संविधान सभाको चुनाव किन भएको थियो । संविधानसभाको गठन किन भएको थियो । यसको कार्यकाल किन वढाईएको थियो म्याद वढाएर संविधानसभा वचाउनुपर्छ किन भनिएको थियो यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर आम नेपाली जनताले खोजेका छन् र पछि सम्म खोजिरहनेछन् । तर यसको जवाफ यति नै वेला संविधान लेख्न खटिएका ६०१ मध्यकै म्याद वढाउने खेलमा सहभागि नभएका सभासदहरुलाई भने तुरुन्तै चाहिएको छ । कि यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर दिन सक्नुपर्छ र अन्यथा उद्देश्य भएको कुरा पुष्टि गर्नुपर्छ कि संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई तदारुकताकासाथ अघि वढाएर निष्कर्षमा पुरयाउनुपर्छ यी दुई मध्य एक कुरा दिनकालागि नेताहरुले क्षमता देखाउनै पर्छ । शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा यो यस पुस्ताका नेताहरुले क्षमता प्रदर्शन गर्ने उपयुक्त वेला हो ।
अन्तमा कुरा वर्गहरुको नै हो वर्ग स्वार्थको नै हो कुन वर्गले राज्य चलाउने कसका विरुद्ध अधिनायकत्व थोपर्ने भन्ने नै यतिवेलाको मुख्य प्रश्न हो । सामन्तवादका सवै रुपहरुको अन्त गर्ने राज्यको दायित्व हामीहरुकै वाचा कवोल हो । यतिवेला सामन्तवादको नाईके ढले पनि यसका अन्य रुपहरु र अवशेषरुले टाउको उठाउन खोजेकै कारण मुलुक यो अलमलमा छ । शान्ति र संविधान सामन्तवादका विरुद्धमा कि सामन्तवादका पक्षमा सामन्तवादसंग गठजोड गरेर कि त्यो संग संझौताहिन संघर्ष गरेर यतिवेलाको अहं प्रश्न यही हो । वर्ग रहेसम्म वर्ग संघर्ष जारी रहन्छ यो सार्वभौम नियम ाहो तर संघर्ष कसका विरुद्ध गर्ने निशाना कहा सोझयाउने प्रष्ट हुन जरुरी छ निशाना को किटानी गर्दा एक आध घटना प्रभावित भएर हैन व्यक्तिगत लाभ वा हानिलाई आधार मानेर हैन देश र जनतालाई साक्षी राखेर र वर्ग प्रति ईमान्दार भएर गर्न जरुरी छ । सामन्तवाद मुख्य शत्रु हो र यसलाई भरथेग गर्ने आन्तरिक र वाहय शक्तिहरुको पहिचान सहितको यथार्थपरक आकलनवाट मात्रै नया रणनीति र कायनीतिको विकास गर्न सकिन्छ र सक्नु पर्छ । यदि ०६२ ।०६३को जनआन्दोलन सामन्तवादका विरुद्धको लडाई थियो भने जनयुद्ध लडेको पार्टीले मात्रै हैन जनयुद्ध नलडेको पार्टीले पनि गंभिर भएर सोच्न जरुरी छ । यो गहिराईमा नसोची शान्ति र संविधान सार्थक हुदैन । शान्ति र संविधानको मुख्य वाधक को हो जो नेपाल र नेपाली जनताको उन्नति र प्रगतिको वाधक वनेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानलाई देश र जनताको मुक्तिभन्दा भिन्न राखेर हेर्न सकिन्न हेर्न पनि हुदैन । राजनीति कार्यदिशा स्पष्ट पारौं यतिवेलाको मुख्य कार्यभार यही हो ।
फेरि प्राप्त अवसर आफैले नगुमाउ
राजनैतिक अन्यौलको लामो अन्तरालमा नेपाली राजनीतिले कोल्टे फेर्न लागेको छ । अवसर पटक पटक आउछन् तर तयसलाई ठीक ढंगले सदुपयोग गर्न नसक्दा प्राप्त उपलव्धीलाई पनि संस्थागत गर्न नसकिएका घटनाहरु प्रशस्तै छन् । पटक पटक आन्दोलन गर्ने र आन्देालनवाट प्राप्त उपलव्धी संस्थागत गर्न नसकने नेपाली राजनीतिको पर्याय वनेको छ भने पटक पटक घाटामा पर्ने नेपाली जनताको नियति वनेको छ । शान्ति र संविधान यतिवेलाका मुख्य कार्यभार हुन् । यिनको अभावमा हाम्रो भविश्य अन्धकार छ । शान्ति र संविधानलाई सुनिश्चित गर्न सहमति र सहकार्यको खाचो छ तर त्यो सहमति र सहकार्यको अधार जनताको ईच्छा र परिवर्तनको सुनिश्चिततालाई वनाउन पर्छ । यसपटक हामीलाई फेरि अवसर प्राप्त भएको छ त्यसलाई गुम्न दिन हुदैन ।
गल्ती कहा भयो
नेपाली जनताले पटक पटक संघर्ष गरे आन्दोलत गरे जनयुद्ध गरे पटक पटक विद्यामान सत्तालाई उलटपुलट पनि पारे तर ती परिवर्तन संस्थागत हुन सकेनन् । लडदा मिलेर लडने वाडदा मिल्न नसक्ने हाम्रो चरित्र वन्यो । जेलमा मित्र हुने वाहिर शत्रु वन्न वेर नलाग्ने अरुले आक्रमण गर्दा जुटन पनि तयार हुने तर आक्रमण नै नगर्ने वातावरण वनाउन नसक्ने जव अरुले आक्रमण गरिहाल्छ मिल्न पर्छ भन्ने हेक्का राख्दा राख्दै चिज गुमिसकेको हुने यस्तो अवस्थाको पिडा नेपाली जनताले पटक पटक भोगे गल्ती त्यही भयो । ००७सालको क्रान्ति गर्न गल्ती थिएन सोको उपलव्धी संस्थागत गर्न नसक्नु गल्ती थियो । त्यही गल्तीको परिणाम ०१७ साल आयो । आफनै गल्तीका परिणाम आएको ०१७ साललाई परास्त गर्न ०२८ ०३६ ०४२ र ०४६ कुर्न परयो त्यतिले पनि भएन ०५२ ०६२।०६३सम्म कुर्न वाध्य वनायो । आखिर यी आफना गल्तीका परिणाम थिए कि अनिवार्य आवश्यकता थिए । जवाफ सही आफना गल्तिका परिणाम थिए भन्नुनै न्यायोचित हुन्छ।
गल्ती फेरि दोहोरयाउने
गल्ती गर्दै जादा उपलव्धी गुमेका छन् गल्ती नगर्दा र गल्ती सच्याउदा थप उपलव्धी हासिल भएकाछन् । मिल्दा १२ वुदे सहमति भयो जसको परिणाम संविधानसभा र गणतन्त्र िसंगै प्राप्त भयो । नमिल्दा ६० वर्ष हातलाग्यो शून्य भयो । मिल्दा ००७ सालको क्रान्तिको पनि राम्रो उपलव्धी हासिल भएकै हो संविधानसभा प्राप्त भएकै हो मिलिरहन नसक्दा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गर्नै सकिएन यसको आवश्यकता नै छैन वरु संसदको निर्वाचन ठीक भन्ने तफै मोडियो विस्तारै निरंकुशताले वर्चश्व कायम गरिछाडयो । यतिवेला हामी मिलेर संविधानसभा घोषणामात्रै हैन चुनाव नै गराएर एक कार्यकाल विताईसकेका छौं । एक वर्ष थप्दा पनि मिलेरै थपेका छौ तर यो एक वर्ष परिक्षणको ठुलो कालखण्ड वन्ने छ । यो कालखण्डमा मिलेर देखाउन सकेनौ भने ०७ सालले ०१७ साललाई निम्ताए झै अर्को काण्ड निम्तन सक्दैन कसरी भन्न सकिएला त्यसकारण फेरि गल्ती नदोहोरयाउने प्रण गर्द जरुरी छ ।
गल्ती नदोहोरयाउन के गर्ने
सवैभन्दा पहिला हाम्रा समस्या के हुन पचिान गर्ने तिम्रा समस्या र मेरा समस्यामा विभाजन नगर्ने सवै समस्या हाम्रा समस्या भन्ने । उपलव्धीका पाटेालाई पनि आंकलन गर्ने र कसका कारणले प्ाप्त भएका थिएन भन्ने विवादमा नलाग्ने जसका कारणले भए पनि ती उपलव्धी नै हुन जसको भोग सवैले गरेकाछन् तसर्थ हाम्रा कारणले प्राप्त भएका उपलव्धी भन्ने यो अर्को शर्त हो । समस्या जसको भए पनि त्यसले अग्रगमन शान्ति र संविधानलाई रोकेको छ । उपलव्धी जसका भए पनि लाभ सवैलाई वाडेको छ । तसर्थ मेरो र तेरो वाट हामी र हाम्रामा परिणत हुने र समस्या र उपलव्धीलाई हामी र हाम्रा स्तरमा उकास्न कोशिश गर्ने यसो गर्न सके पुरानो गल्ती दोहोरिने छैन ।
त्याग गर्ने संस्कृतिको विकास गर्ने
लोकतन्त्र भनेको गुमाउने गेम हो । तर हामीले लोकतन्त्रलाई प्राप्तीको खेल त्यसमा पनि नीजि व्यक्तिगत र पार्टीगत शुभलाभको खेलका रुपमा लिदा देश र जनता भसे्रलामा परे । त्यसकारण देश र जनतालाई सक्षी राखेर तिनका हितमा कसले के कति त्याग गर्ने भन्ने कुराको सूचि नै तयार गर्ने र त्याग गर्ने कुरामा प्रतिस्पर्धा गर्ने यसो गरियो भने प्राप्त उपलव्धी संस्थागत गर्न सकिन्छ । के उल्टो दिशामा वगेको संस्कृति हामीले चाहेमा सुल्टयाउन सकिएला त्यसकालागि त्याग पहिलो शर्त हो । यो शर्त मान्ने हदसम्म नपुग्दासम्म मुलुकले निकास पाउने छैन ।
कामको प्राथमिकिकरण गर्ने
संविधानसभाको चुनाव पछि त्याग गर्ने संस्कृति हैन हैसियतभन्दा माथि दोव्वर लाभ प्राप्त गनेै होडका कारण समयमै सरकार वन्न सकेन सहमतीय प्रणाली तोडेर वहुमतीयमा पुरयायैा र असहमतिको यात्रा यहीवाट आरम्भ भयो । संविधानसभा ऐतिहासिक रुपमा प्रापत भएको छ त्यसप्रति गर्व गर्ने हैन सधैभरी प्राप्त भैरहेको र भैरहने सरकारकालागि जो जे गर्न पनि तयार हुने स्थिति वन्यो जो दुभाग्यपूर्ण नै थियो । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन भएको पाच महिनासम्म त संविधान लेखनमा कलम पनि चोविएन । नियमावली वनाउन हामीले आधा वर्ष विताईदियौं यसले प्रष्ट पार्छ कि हामी संविधान लेख्न हैन हामी सरकार वनाउन चुनाव लडेका थियौं । संविधान लेखनकालागि मेरो छनोट हो मन्त्री हैन भन्न सक्ने कोही पनि देखिएन । संविधानसभाको सदस्य हुनामा गर्व गर्न कसैले सकेन संविधानसभाको भए पनि पदाधिकारी सरकारको पदाधिकारी वा पार्टीको पदाधिकारी वा दलको पदाधिकारी कही न कही नभैनहुने संस्कार र संस्कृति मौलाएर गयो जो प्राथमिकतामा पर्न पर्ने थिएन उनीहरु प्राथमिकताा परे जो प्राथमिकतामा पर्न पने हो ती हराएर गए अर्थात संविधान लेखनको काम ओझेल परयो तैपनि काम भएकै थियो राजनैतिक तहवाट टुग्याउनुपर्ने वाहेक अरु सवै काम लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सकिएकै थियो राजनैतिक उच्च तहले निर्णय गनुपर्ने विषय नगर्दा आजसम्म संविधानले आकार ग्रहण गर्न सकेन त्यसकारण कामको प्राथमिकिकरण गरौं र कामलाई फत्ते गरौं ।
कार्यसूचि तय गर्ने
अवको एघार महिनामा हामीले नगरिनहुने काम क े हु तिनको सूचि तयार गर्ने पहिलो कार्यभार हो । शान्ति संविधान र आर्थिक समाजिक रुपान्तरण यतिवेलाका मुख्य कार्यभार हुन । शान्तिको कुरा गर्दा सेना समायोजनको प्रश्न आउछ यसको मोडालिटि तय गर्ने र विज्ञहरुलाई यसको काम सम्पन्न गर्न जिममा दिने संविधानको आधारभूत मान्यता र विवादास्तपद विषयमा न्य”नतम सहमति कायम गर्ने र संविधान लेखनकालागि समवन्धित समितिहरुलाई जिम्मा दिने कम्तीमा पाच वा दश वर्षको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणको कार्ययोजना वनाएर तयसलाई कार्यानवयन गर्न अधिाकार समपनन निकायलाई स’म्पने तयसपछि जनताको सहभागितामा विकास निर्माण जनताका प्रतिनिधिहरुको निगरानीमा शासन संचालन यसो मात्रै गर्न सके सरकार कसको छ प्रधानमन्त्री को छ भन्ने कुरा स्वतः ओझेल पर्छ । तयसकारण लागै वृस्तिृत कार्ययोजना तयार गर्न । अन्यथा मनिसहरु अर्को चुनावको तयारी तयो पनि अर्थेापार्जन गरेर धन जममा गरेर आफना मानिसहरु अवैध रुपमा भर्ति गरेर अकुत सम्पत्ति कमाएर वा अनावश्यक रवाफ कमाएर तयसैका भरमा राजनीति गर्न खोज्नु अर्को सामन्तवाद हो त्यसकारण सामन्तवादसंग लडने कार्ययोजना वनाईरहदा आफै सामन्तवाद जन्माउने खेलमा लागेको हेक्का हुन जरुरी छ सामन्तवाद भन्दा नव सामन्तवाद खतरा हुन्छ भन्ने पनि सवैलाई थाह छ जनता फेरि जागे भने के होला चित्र स्पष्ट छ ।
अन्तमा
यतिवेला को प्रधानमन्त्री वन्ने र सरकार कसले वनाउने भनने कुरामा तयति धेरै विवाद छैन एउट गठवन्धन असफल भएर राजिनामा गरिसकेको अवस्था छ । सदनको ठूलो दल प्रतिपक्षमा थियो उसलाई यो जिममा स्वत आएको छ । तर अरु दलहरु उसलाई सरकारमा जनावाट रोक्ने तिर हैन वरु राष्ट्रिय र सहमतिका साझा एजेण्डा तय गर्नमा केन्द्रित भए उपयुक्त होला । सरकार वनाउन रोक्न कोशिश गर्दा राष्ट्रिय ऐजेण्डा वनाउन भ्याईने छैन सरकार वनाउन रोक्न खोज्दा खोज्दै नसकेर वनेको सरकार आफना खुशीले एजेण्डा तय गर्न स्वतन्त्र हुने छ तसर्थ ध्यान सरकारमा कि एजेण्डामा पदमा कि प्रगतीमा आफनो व्यक्तिगत हित र महत्वकांक्षामा कि देश र जनताको महत्वाकांक्षा र हितमा रोज्ने वेला भएको छ । जेहोस मौका आएको छ फेरि नगुमाउ । वैयक्तिक आकंक्षालाई त्याग गरेर देश र जनताको सेवा गर्न तल्लिन वनौं ।
गल्ती कहा भयो
नेपाली जनताले पटक पटक संघर्ष गरे आन्दोलत गरे जनयुद्ध गरे पटक पटक विद्यामान सत्तालाई उलटपुलट पनि पारे तर ती परिवर्तन संस्थागत हुन सकेनन् । लडदा मिलेर लडने वाडदा मिल्न नसक्ने हाम्रो चरित्र वन्यो । जेलमा मित्र हुने वाहिर शत्रु वन्न वेर नलाग्ने अरुले आक्रमण गर्दा जुटन पनि तयार हुने तर आक्रमण नै नगर्ने वातावरण वनाउन नसक्ने जव अरुले आक्रमण गरिहाल्छ मिल्न पर्छ भन्ने हेक्का राख्दा राख्दै चिज गुमिसकेको हुने यस्तो अवस्थाको पिडा नेपाली जनताले पटक पटक भोगे गल्ती त्यही भयो । ००७सालको क्रान्ति गर्न गल्ती थिएन सोको उपलव्धी संस्थागत गर्न नसक्नु गल्ती थियो । त्यही गल्तीको परिणाम ०१७ साल आयो । आफनै गल्तीका परिणाम आएको ०१७ साललाई परास्त गर्न ०२८ ०३६ ०४२ र ०४६ कुर्न परयो त्यतिले पनि भएन ०५२ ०६२।०६३सम्म कुर्न वाध्य वनायो । आखिर यी आफना गल्तीका परिणाम थिए कि अनिवार्य आवश्यकता थिए । जवाफ सही आफना गल्तिका परिणाम थिए भन्नुनै न्यायोचित हुन्छ।
गल्ती फेरि दोहोरयाउने
गल्ती गर्दै जादा उपलव्धी गुमेका छन् गल्ती नगर्दा र गल्ती सच्याउदा थप उपलव्धी हासिल भएकाछन् । मिल्दा १२ वुदे सहमति भयो जसको परिणाम संविधानसभा र गणतन्त्र िसंगै प्राप्त भयो । नमिल्दा ६० वर्ष हातलाग्यो शून्य भयो । मिल्दा ००७ सालको क्रान्तिको पनि राम्रो उपलव्धी हासिल भएकै हो संविधानसभा प्राप्त भएकै हो मिलिरहन नसक्दा संविधानसभाको चुनाव गर्नै सकिएन यसको आवश्यकता नै छैन वरु संसदको निर्वाचन ठीक भन्ने तफै मोडियो विस्तारै निरंकुशताले वर्चश्व कायम गरिछाडयो । यतिवेला हामी मिलेर संविधानसभा घोषणामात्रै हैन चुनाव नै गराएर एक कार्यकाल विताईसकेका छौं । एक वर्ष थप्दा पनि मिलेरै थपेका छौ तर यो एक वर्ष परिक्षणको ठुलो कालखण्ड वन्ने छ । यो कालखण्डमा मिलेर देखाउन सकेनौ भने ०७ सालले ०१७ साललाई निम्ताए झै अर्को काण्ड निम्तन सक्दैन कसरी भन्न सकिएला त्यसकारण फेरि गल्ती नदोहोरयाउने प्रण गर्द जरुरी छ ।
गल्ती नदोहोरयाउन के गर्ने
सवैभन्दा पहिला हाम्रा समस्या के हुन पचिान गर्ने तिम्रा समस्या र मेरा समस्यामा विभाजन नगर्ने सवै समस्या हाम्रा समस्या भन्ने । उपलव्धीका पाटेालाई पनि आंकलन गर्ने र कसका कारणले प्ाप्त भएका थिएन भन्ने विवादमा नलाग्ने जसका कारणले भए पनि ती उपलव्धी नै हुन जसको भोग सवैले गरेकाछन् तसर्थ हाम्रा कारणले प्राप्त भएका उपलव्धी भन्ने यो अर्को शर्त हो । समस्या जसको भए पनि त्यसले अग्रगमन शान्ति र संविधानलाई रोकेको छ । उपलव्धी जसका भए पनि लाभ सवैलाई वाडेको छ । तसर्थ मेरो र तेरो वाट हामी र हाम्रामा परिणत हुने र समस्या र उपलव्धीलाई हामी र हाम्रा स्तरमा उकास्न कोशिश गर्ने यसो गर्न सके पुरानो गल्ती दोहोरिने छैन ।
त्याग गर्ने संस्कृतिको विकास गर्ने
लोकतन्त्र भनेको गुमाउने गेम हो । तर हामीले लोकतन्त्रलाई प्राप्तीको खेल त्यसमा पनि नीजि व्यक्तिगत र पार्टीगत शुभलाभको खेलका रुपमा लिदा देश र जनता भसे्रलामा परे । त्यसकारण देश र जनतालाई सक्षी राखेर तिनका हितमा कसले के कति त्याग गर्ने भन्ने कुराको सूचि नै तयार गर्ने र त्याग गर्ने कुरामा प्रतिस्पर्धा गर्ने यसो गरियो भने प्राप्त उपलव्धी संस्थागत गर्न सकिन्छ । के उल्टो दिशामा वगेको संस्कृति हामीले चाहेमा सुल्टयाउन सकिएला त्यसकालागि त्याग पहिलो शर्त हो । यो शर्त मान्ने हदसम्म नपुग्दासम्म मुलुकले निकास पाउने छैन ।
कामको प्राथमिकिकरण गर्ने
संविधानसभाको चुनाव पछि त्याग गर्ने संस्कृति हैन हैसियतभन्दा माथि दोव्वर लाभ प्राप्त गनेै होडका कारण समयमै सरकार वन्न सकेन सहमतीय प्रणाली तोडेर वहुमतीयमा पुरयायैा र असहमतिको यात्रा यहीवाट आरम्भ भयो । संविधानसभा ऐतिहासिक रुपमा प्रापत भएको छ त्यसप्रति गर्व गर्ने हैन सधैभरी प्राप्त भैरहेको र भैरहने सरकारकालागि जो जे गर्न पनि तयार हुने स्थिति वन्यो जो दुभाग्यपूर्ण नै थियो । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन भएको पाच महिनासम्म त संविधान लेखनमा कलम पनि चोविएन । नियमावली वनाउन हामीले आधा वर्ष विताईदियौं यसले प्रष्ट पार्छ कि हामी संविधान लेख्न हैन हामी सरकार वनाउन चुनाव लडेका थियौं । संविधान लेखनकालागि मेरो छनोट हो मन्त्री हैन भन्न सक्ने कोही पनि देखिएन । संविधानसभाको सदस्य हुनामा गर्व गर्न कसैले सकेन संविधानसभाको भए पनि पदाधिकारी सरकारको पदाधिकारी वा पार्टीको पदाधिकारी वा दलको पदाधिकारी कही न कही नभैनहुने संस्कार र संस्कृति मौलाएर गयो जो प्राथमिकतामा पर्न पर्ने थिएन उनीहरु प्राथमिकताा परे जो प्राथमिकतामा पर्न पने हो ती हराएर गए अर्थात संविधान लेखनको काम ओझेल परयो तैपनि काम भएकै थियो राजनैतिक तहवाट टुग्याउनुपर्ने वाहेक अरु सवै काम लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सकिएकै थियो राजनैतिक उच्च तहले निर्णय गनुपर्ने विषय नगर्दा आजसम्म संविधानले आकार ग्रहण गर्न सकेन त्यसकारण कामको प्राथमिकिकरण गरौं र कामलाई फत्ते गरौं ।
कार्यसूचि तय गर्ने
अवको एघार महिनामा हामीले नगरिनहुने काम क े हु तिनको सूचि तयार गर्ने पहिलो कार्यभार हो । शान्ति संविधान र आर्थिक समाजिक रुपान्तरण यतिवेलाका मुख्य कार्यभार हुन । शान्तिको कुरा गर्दा सेना समायोजनको प्रश्न आउछ यसको मोडालिटि तय गर्ने र विज्ञहरुलाई यसको काम सम्पन्न गर्न जिममा दिने संविधानको आधारभूत मान्यता र विवादास्तपद विषयमा न्य”नतम सहमति कायम गर्ने र संविधान लेखनकालागि समवन्धित समितिहरुलाई जिम्मा दिने कम्तीमा पाच वा दश वर्षको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणको कार्ययोजना वनाएर तयसलाई कार्यानवयन गर्न अधिाकार समपनन निकायलाई स’म्पने तयसपछि जनताको सहभागितामा विकास निर्माण जनताका प्रतिनिधिहरुको निगरानीमा शासन संचालन यसो मात्रै गर्न सके सरकार कसको छ प्रधानमन्त्री को छ भन्ने कुरा स्वतः ओझेल पर्छ । तयसकारण लागै वृस्तिृत कार्ययोजना तयार गर्न । अन्यथा मनिसहरु अर्को चुनावको तयारी तयो पनि अर्थेापार्जन गरेर धन जममा गरेर आफना मानिसहरु अवैध रुपमा भर्ति गरेर अकुत सम्पत्ति कमाएर वा अनावश्यक रवाफ कमाएर तयसैका भरमा राजनीति गर्न खोज्नु अर्को सामन्तवाद हो त्यसकारण सामन्तवादसंग लडने कार्ययोजना वनाईरहदा आफै सामन्तवाद जन्माउने खेलमा लागेको हेक्का हुन जरुरी छ सामन्तवाद भन्दा नव सामन्तवाद खतरा हुन्छ भन्ने पनि सवैलाई थाह छ जनता फेरि जागे भने के होला चित्र स्पष्ट छ ।
अन्तमा
यतिवेला को प्रधानमन्त्री वन्ने र सरकार कसले वनाउने भनने कुरामा तयति धेरै विवाद छैन एउट गठवन्धन असफल भएर राजिनामा गरिसकेको अवस्था छ । सदनको ठूलो दल प्रतिपक्षमा थियो उसलाई यो जिममा स्वत आएको छ । तर अरु दलहरु उसलाई सरकारमा जनावाट रोक्ने तिर हैन वरु राष्ट्रिय र सहमतिका साझा एजेण्डा तय गर्नमा केन्द्रित भए उपयुक्त होला । सरकार वनाउन रोक्न कोशिश गर्दा राष्ट्रिय ऐजेण्डा वनाउन भ्याईने छैन सरकार वनाउन रोक्न खोज्दा खोज्दै नसकेर वनेको सरकार आफना खुशीले एजेण्डा तय गर्न स्वतन्त्र हुने छ तसर्थ ध्यान सरकारमा कि एजेण्डामा पदमा कि प्रगतीमा आफनो व्यक्तिगत हित र महत्वकांक्षामा कि देश र जनताको महत्वाकांक्षा र हितमा रोज्ने वेला भएको छ । जेहोस मौका आएको छ फेरि नगुमाउ । वैयक्तिक आकंक्षालाई त्याग गरेर देश र जनताको सेवा गर्न तल्लिन वनौं ।
Monday, July 12, 2010
शान्ति र संविधान जेष्ठ १४को आव्हान
विषय प्रवेशः
नेापाली जनताले आफनोलागि आफैले संविधान निर्माण गर्ने निधो गरेको आज ठीक ६० वर्ष नाघिसक्यो । आजभन्दा ६० वर्ष अगाडिको यो वाचा कामयावी हुन आरम्भ भएको दुई वर्ष पुग्दैछ । हजारैाको वलिदान पछि लाखौं जनताको पिडा र साहस पछि हजारैा क्रान्ति आन्दोलन र संघर्ष पछि आजभन्दा दुई वर्ष अगाडि नेपाली जनताले आफनो संविधान आफना निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधिहरु मार्फत लेख्न थालेका थिए । तर तोकिएको अवधि दुई वर्ष भित्र संविधान लेख्न नसकिने पक्का पक्की भएको छ । यसो किन भयो यसका पछाडिका कारणहरु के थिए अव के गर्नु पर्छ र जनताको ईच्छा विपरितका षडयन्त्रहरुलाई परास्त गर्न के गर्न पर्छ यतिवेलाको मुख्य चिन्ता र चासो यही नै हो ।
थालनीः
त्ोाकिएको अवधिभित्र संविधान लेख्न नसकिनुका कारणहरु मध्य पहिलो कारण राजनैतिक दलहरु नै हुन जसले लामो समय संविधानसभा कस्तो र कसरी भन्दा पनि संविधान सभा किन हुन पर्छ र किन हुन हुदैन भन्नेमा विताए तसर्थ संविधानसभाको राम्रो तयारी पुगेन । दाश्रो कुरा नया संविधान कस्तो र कसरी भनेर यसका विषय वस्तुमा छलफल गर्नु पर्नेमा सो काम कम र ०४७ सालको संविधान यस कारणले ठीक र यसकारणले वेठिक भन्ने मै पुरै समय वित्यो त्यसकारण नया संविधानका विषय सूचिमा प्रवेश नै गर्न नपाई कन संविधान लेख्नु पर्दा वोकाको मुखमा कुभिण्डो वन्न पुग्यो । तेश्रो कुरा संविधानसभा यसको चुनाव राजतन्त्रको विदायी र शान्ति प्रकृयाको यो हदसम्मको सफलता संघीयता र समानुपातिक समावेशीका अग्रगामी एजेण्डा सहितको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण धेरै मानिसहरुकालागि सपना र कल्पनाका मात्रै विषय थिए यथार्थमा थिएनन् तसर्थ वास्तविक धरातलमा त्यसलाई आत्मसात गर्नुपर्दा अकर्मण्यता जताततै देखा परयो । त्यसकारण मुलुकले अहिले यो अवस्थाको सामना गर्नु परेको छ ।
अव के गर्ने
१२ वुदे पछिको यो यात्रा विस्तृत शान्ति संझौता अन्तरिम संविधान हुदै नया संविधान लेख्ने ठाउमा आईपुगेको छ । यति लामो यात्रा पार गर्दा तिन खाले नया आयामहरुले फडको मारेको स्पष्ट देख्न सकिन्छ । पहिलो १२ वुदे सहमति हुने वेलामा दलहरु वीच च्भबष्शिबतष्यल आत्मसातिकारणको भाव ठूलो थियो सवै दलहरु विगतमा आफूले गल्ति गरेको त्यसको परिणाम राजाको प्रतिगमन आएको त्यसलाई परास्त गर्न माओवादीसंग मिल्नुको विकल्प नभएको अवस्थामा पुगेका थिए भने माओवादी विश्व कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको पूरै समिक्षा गर्दै खासगरी २०औ शताव्दीको पूर्वाद्र्ध र उत्तरार्धमा केन्द्रित हदै कम्युनिष्ट सत्ताहरुको उदय र पतनको भाव पकडदै र त्यसो हुनुका कारणहरु पहिल्याउदै आफु असफलतावाट जोगिने वाचा गर्दै र २१औं शताव्दीको क्रान्तिको मार्ग प्रशस्त गर्दै अघि वढने प्रतिवद्धताका साथ संसदवादी दलहरुसंग पनि सहकार्य गर्दै लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको कार्यदिशा अपनाउदै अघिवढन सहमत भएको अवस्था थियो । जसले सहमतिको लागि मार्ग प्रशस्त मात्रै गरेन राजाको निरंकुशताका विरुद्ध आन्दोलन गर्न पनि सघाउ पुरयायो ।
दोश्रो अवधि
यो अवधि ऋयुउचयुष्कभसंभाुैताको अवधि रहयो । विगतलाई आत्मसात गर्ने दिशातिरभन्दा विगत प्रति गर्व गर्दै र विगतलाई नै आदर्श मान्दै दुवै पक्षहरु वीचमा संझौत ागर्ने स्थितिमा दलहरु पुगे त्यसकारण यो अवधिमा संझलौताको दस्तावेजका रुपमा विस्तृत शान्ति संझौता र अन्तरिम संविधान निर्माण भै जारी हुन पुगे । आखिर यी दुवै संझौताका दस्तावेज थिए भने आफना आफना अडानहरु इथावत वजारमा पस्कने र सौदावाजी गर्ने प्रवृत्ति यो अवधिमा देखियो जुन कुरा संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन पछि झन वढी देखा परयो ।
तेश्रो अवधि
यो अवधि आ आफनो एयकष्तष्यल लिने शक्ति प्रदर्शन गर्ने अवस्था रह्यो । नया संविधान वनाउनुपर्ने यो अवधिमा दलहरु अव आफना पुराना विराशतप्रति गर्व गर्ने भविश्यप्रति उन्मुख हुने भन्दा विगतप्रति गर्व गर्ने विगततर्फ फर्कने र पुराना र खाता वसेका घाउ कोटटयाएर आनन्द मान्ने प्रवृत्ति देखा परयो जुन प्रवृत्तिले नया संविधान लेख्न संभव नै थिएन । संविधान लेख्ने वेलामा संविधान लेखनकै काममा दलका नेताहरुको उदासिनता दलका आफना धारणा वनाउन नसक्ने अवस्थाले संविधान सभाका विभिन्न समितिमा छरपष्ट आफना नीजि र व्यक्तिगत आग्रह र पूर्वाग्रहका विषयहरु द्यल र रपार्टीको धाराणा वनाईदिने खतरा यो अवधिले झल्यो । पर्याप्त गृहकार्यको अभावका कारणले दलका धारणाहरुमा स्वयं दलका सदस्यहरु सहमत हुन सक्ने स्थिति वनेन यो कारणले पनि संविधान लेखनको काम वेवारिसे वनने खतरा आई परेको छ ।
शान्ति र संविधान केवल नराामा सिमित
खोक्रा नाराका रुपमा शान्ति र संविधानलाई पकडन त दलहरु सफल रहे तर त्यही नारा पकडदै त्यसकै विरुद्ध आफना कृयाकलापहरु इस अवधिमा प्रशस्तै भए जसले के कुरा प्रष्ट पारयो भने शान्ति र संविधानको नारा भित्रै शान्ति र संविधान भत्काउने र युद्ध मच्चाउने आग्रह प्रष्टै देखियो । त्यसकारण खास गरी माकुने सरकार गठन भएको करिव एक वर्ष शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा सिन्को सम्म पनि भाचिएन ।
जेष्ठ १४ को दवाव
संविधानले जेष्ठ १४ लाई संविधान घोषणा गर्ने अन्तिम दिनका रुपमा चित्रण गरेको थियो । शुरुका एक वर्ष संविधानसभाले यो दिशामा रामै्र काम पनि गरयो । लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सम्पनन भैपनि सकेको छ तर वांकी रहेको वीस प्रतिशत काम नितान्त जटिल छ र असाध्य मेहनत र समय लाग्ने खालको छ । यसमा केही राजनैतिक विषय छने केही प्राविधिक विषय छन् । राजनैतिक विषय र प्राविधिक विषयलाई अलग अलग गरेर काम सम्पन्न गर्ने हो भने सहज पनि हुन्थ्यो र संभव पनि हुन्थ्यो तर राजनैतिक र प्राविधिक कामको भेद नै नवुझेर हो वा वुझिवुझि त्यसै गर्न चाहेर हो वडे वडे नेताहरुको झुण्ड संविधानको धारा र खण्डमा माथा पच्चिसी गरेको छ राजनैतिक विषयमा उसको कुनै चासो नै छैन । उता प्राविधिक मानिसहरु जो संविधानसभा मै छैनन् उनीहरु राजनैतिक उपदेश दिएर हैरान छन् यस्तो कुराको चापमा जेष्ठ १४ खडा भएको छ । जेष्ठ १४ संवैधानिक वाध्यता हो त्यसलाई नाघछौं भन्न कसैले हदैन । नाघिदन भन्ने हो भने त्यस अघि संविधान आउने कुनै छाट लक्षण देखिदैन त्यसैले जेष्ठ १४ खतराको घण्टी वनेर वसेको छ ।
संविधानसभा भंगको हल्लाः
जेष्ठ १४मा संविधान नवने संविधत्रानसभा स्वतः भंग हुन्छ भन्ने तर्क यतिवेला चर्कोसंग उठेर आएको छ । खास गरी माओवादीको चालिस प्रतिशतको उस्थिती नपचाएकाहरुले यसलाई जेष्ठ १४ अगावै विघटन गरिदिन पाए हुन्थ्यो भन्ने नसोचेका होईनन् तर त्यसो सोच्दा सोच्दै जेष्ठ १४ आई नै सक्यो अव अगावपै विघटन गर्नै परेन १४ पछि संविधान संशोधन गरेर म्याद नथपे विघटनको मक्सद पुरा हुने भो यो लाईनमा प्रतिगामी र यथास्थितिवादीहरु ल्ागि परेकाछन् । यसै वखत माओवादीको निर्णय जेष्ठ १४ पछि संविधानसभाको म्याद कुनै हालतमा थपिदैन भन्ने आएको छ । दुवैको एकदमै फरक फरक कोणवाट तर परिणाम त्यही निस्कने गरी दुवैको मेल यहानिर देखिन्छ जेष्ठ १४ पछि संविधानसभाको मिति पुगेको घोषणा गर्ने । यदि यसो भयो भने प्रतिगामीहरु संविधानसभा भंग गर्ने षडयन्त्र गर्दैछ न् भनेर आरोप लगाउने माओवादी त्यही कुरालाई सघाउ पुराउदैछ भने माओवादी जनविद्रोह गरेर सत्ता कव्जा गर्दैछ भनेर आरोप लगाउनेहरुले माओवादीलाई त्यही गर्न वाध्य पार्ने वा सघाउने ठाउमा उभिएकाछन् परिणामले त्यही देखाउदैछ ।
संशोधन संविधानसम्मत
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप गर्न हुन्छ कि हुदैन भनेर खासगरी कानुन्चीहरुका माझमा राम्रै वहस चलेका वखत सर्वोच्च अदालतको तिनसदस्यीय विषेश ईजलाशले संविधान संशोधन हुन सक्ने फैसला सुनाईदिएर कानुन्चीहरुको मुख वन्द गरिदिएको छ । सर्वोच्च अदालतले यतिमात्रै भनेन उसले संविधानसभाको कार्यभार नया संविधान निर्माण गर्ने हो आजसम्मका क्रान्ति र आन्दोलनका उपलव्धीहरुको संस्थागत विकास पनि गर्ने हो र नेपाली जनताको शान्ति र संविधान एवं अग्रगमनको प्रत्याभूति पनि गर्ने हो यो दायित्ववाट संविधानसभा उम्किन मिल्दैन पनि भनिदियो र अझै अघि वढेर सर्वोच्च अदालतले भन्यो कि गणतन्त्र र संघीयताको विरुद्धमा जान वाहेक संविधानसभालाई संविधान जुनसुकै तरिकाले संशोधन गर्ने हक छ । र हाम्रो संविधानका सवैधारा संशोधनीय छन् भनेर प्रष्ट पारिदियो । यसलाई दलहरुले आफनालागि चाहिएकै शिक्षाका रुपमा लिनु र यो अवसरको राम्ररी सदुपयोग गर्नु यतिवेलाको आवश्यकता हो ।
निष्कर्षः
शान्ति र संविधान जनताको जनादेश हो यो वाहेक अरु कुनै पनि कुरा जनादेश वाहिरका विषय हुने छन् जे गरे पनि शान्तिकालागि र जे गरे पनि संविधानकालागि भन्ने वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन शान्ति र संविधानको विरुद्धमा जाने हक नत संविधानसभालाई न दलहरुलाई वा अरु कुनै दृश्य अदृश्य शक्तिलाई नै हुनेछ । यही नै आजको आवश्यता हो । सवै कुरा थाति राखेर अव आफनो शक्ति प्रदर्शनको ठाउवाट फेरि आत्मसातीकरणकै ठाउमा पुग्नु वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन त्यसै भएर होला वल्ल माओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डले वहुमतिय व्यवस्थालाई खारेज गरी सहमतिय व्यवस्थामा फकौं भन्नु भएकै छ यसो गरियो भने १२ वुदेको मर्म र भावना आफैतिर फर्केर आत्मसातीकरण गर्ने कुरा र जनताका सामु आफनो गल्ती कवुल गर्ने र नदोहोरयाउने कुरा मा पुगिनेछ तव मात्रै शान्ति र संविधान संभव हुनेछ ।
नेापाली जनताले आफनोलागि आफैले संविधान निर्माण गर्ने निधो गरेको आज ठीक ६० वर्ष नाघिसक्यो । आजभन्दा ६० वर्ष अगाडिको यो वाचा कामयावी हुन आरम्भ भएको दुई वर्ष पुग्दैछ । हजारैाको वलिदान पछि लाखौं जनताको पिडा र साहस पछि हजारैा क्रान्ति आन्दोलन र संघर्ष पछि आजभन्दा दुई वर्ष अगाडि नेपाली जनताले आफनो संविधान आफना निर्वाचित प्रतिनिधिहरु मार्फत लेख्न थालेका थिए । तर तोकिएको अवधि दुई वर्ष भित्र संविधान लेख्न नसकिने पक्का पक्की भएको छ । यसो किन भयो यसका पछाडिका कारणहरु के थिए अव के गर्नु पर्छ र जनताको ईच्छा विपरितका षडयन्त्रहरुलाई परास्त गर्न के गर्न पर्छ यतिवेलाको मुख्य चिन्ता र चासो यही नै हो ।
थालनीः
त्ोाकिएको अवधिभित्र संविधान लेख्न नसकिनुका कारणहरु मध्य पहिलो कारण राजनैतिक दलहरु नै हुन जसले लामो समय संविधानसभा कस्तो र कसरी भन्दा पनि संविधान सभा किन हुन पर्छ र किन हुन हुदैन भन्नेमा विताए तसर्थ संविधानसभाको राम्रो तयारी पुगेन । दाश्रो कुरा नया संविधान कस्तो र कसरी भनेर यसका विषय वस्तुमा छलफल गर्नु पर्नेमा सो काम कम र ०४७ सालको संविधान यस कारणले ठीक र यसकारणले वेठिक भन्ने मै पुरै समय वित्यो त्यसकारण नया संविधानका विषय सूचिमा प्रवेश नै गर्न नपाई कन संविधान लेख्नु पर्दा वोकाको मुखमा कुभिण्डो वन्न पुग्यो । तेश्रो कुरा संविधानसभा यसको चुनाव राजतन्त्रको विदायी र शान्ति प्रकृयाको यो हदसम्मको सफलता संघीयता र समानुपातिक समावेशीका अग्रगामी एजेण्डा सहितको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण धेरै मानिसहरुकालागि सपना र कल्पनाका मात्रै विषय थिए यथार्थमा थिएनन् तसर्थ वास्तविक धरातलमा त्यसलाई आत्मसात गर्नुपर्दा अकर्मण्यता जताततै देखा परयो । त्यसकारण मुलुकले अहिले यो अवस्थाको सामना गर्नु परेको छ ।
अव के गर्ने
१२ वुदे पछिको यो यात्रा विस्तृत शान्ति संझौता अन्तरिम संविधान हुदै नया संविधान लेख्ने ठाउमा आईपुगेको छ । यति लामो यात्रा पार गर्दा तिन खाले नया आयामहरुले फडको मारेको स्पष्ट देख्न सकिन्छ । पहिलो १२ वुदे सहमति हुने वेलामा दलहरु वीच च्भबष्शिबतष्यल आत्मसातिकारणको भाव ठूलो थियो सवै दलहरु विगतमा आफूले गल्ति गरेको त्यसको परिणाम राजाको प्रतिगमन आएको त्यसलाई परास्त गर्न माओवादीसंग मिल्नुको विकल्प नभएको अवस्थामा पुगेका थिए भने माओवादी विश्व कम्युनिष्ट आन्दोलनको पूरै समिक्षा गर्दै खासगरी २०औ शताव्दीको पूर्वाद्र्ध र उत्तरार्धमा केन्द्रित हदै कम्युनिष्ट सत्ताहरुको उदय र पतनको भाव पकडदै र त्यसो हुनुका कारणहरु पहिल्याउदै आफु असफलतावाट जोगिने वाचा गर्दै र २१औं शताव्दीको क्रान्तिको मार्ग प्रशस्त गर्दै अघि वढने प्रतिवद्धताका साथ संसदवादी दलहरुसंग पनि सहकार्य गर्दै लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको कार्यदिशा अपनाउदै अघिवढन सहमत भएको अवस्था थियो । जसले सहमतिको लागि मार्ग प्रशस्त मात्रै गरेन राजाको निरंकुशताका विरुद्ध आन्दोलन गर्न पनि सघाउ पुरयायो ।
दोश्रो अवधि
यो अवधि ऋयुउचयुष्कभसंभाुैताको अवधि रहयो । विगतलाई आत्मसात गर्ने दिशातिरभन्दा विगत प्रति गर्व गर्दै र विगतलाई नै आदर्श मान्दै दुवै पक्षहरु वीचमा संझौत ागर्ने स्थितिमा दलहरु पुगे त्यसकारण यो अवधिमा संझलौताको दस्तावेजका रुपमा विस्तृत शान्ति संझौता र अन्तरिम संविधान निर्माण भै जारी हुन पुगे । आखिर यी दुवै संझौताका दस्तावेज थिए भने आफना आफना अडानहरु इथावत वजारमा पस्कने र सौदावाजी गर्ने प्रवृत्ति यो अवधिमा देखियो जुन कुरा संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन पछि झन वढी देखा परयो ।
तेश्रो अवधि
यो अवधि आ आफनो एयकष्तष्यल लिने शक्ति प्रदर्शन गर्ने अवस्था रह्यो । नया संविधान वनाउनुपर्ने यो अवधिमा दलहरु अव आफना पुराना विराशतप्रति गर्व गर्ने भविश्यप्रति उन्मुख हुने भन्दा विगतप्रति गर्व गर्ने विगततर्फ फर्कने र पुराना र खाता वसेका घाउ कोटटयाएर आनन्द मान्ने प्रवृत्ति देखा परयो जुन प्रवृत्तिले नया संविधान लेख्न संभव नै थिएन । संविधान लेख्ने वेलामा संविधान लेखनकै काममा दलका नेताहरुको उदासिनता दलका आफना धारणा वनाउन नसक्ने अवस्थाले संविधान सभाका विभिन्न समितिमा छरपष्ट आफना नीजि र व्यक्तिगत आग्रह र पूर्वाग्रहका विषयहरु द्यल र रपार्टीको धाराणा वनाईदिने खतरा यो अवधिले झल्यो । पर्याप्त गृहकार्यको अभावका कारणले दलका धारणाहरुमा स्वयं दलका सदस्यहरु सहमत हुन सक्ने स्थिति वनेन यो कारणले पनि संविधान लेखनको काम वेवारिसे वनने खतरा आई परेको छ ।
शान्ति र संविधान केवल नराामा सिमित
खोक्रा नाराका रुपमा शान्ति र संविधानलाई पकडन त दलहरु सफल रहे तर त्यही नारा पकडदै त्यसकै विरुद्ध आफना कृयाकलापहरु इस अवधिमा प्रशस्तै भए जसले के कुरा प्रष्ट पारयो भने शान्ति र संविधानको नारा भित्रै शान्ति र संविधान भत्काउने र युद्ध मच्चाउने आग्रह प्रष्टै देखियो । त्यसकारण खास गरी माकुने सरकार गठन भएको करिव एक वर्ष शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा सिन्को सम्म पनि भाचिएन ।
जेष्ठ १४ को दवाव
संविधानले जेष्ठ १४ लाई संविधान घोषणा गर्ने अन्तिम दिनका रुपमा चित्रण गरेको थियो । शुरुका एक वर्ष संविधानसभाले यो दिशामा रामै्र काम पनि गरयो । लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सम्पनन भैपनि सकेको छ तर वांकी रहेको वीस प्रतिशत काम नितान्त जटिल छ र असाध्य मेहनत र समय लाग्ने खालको छ । यसमा केही राजनैतिक विषय छने केही प्राविधिक विषय छन् । राजनैतिक विषय र प्राविधिक विषयलाई अलग अलग गरेर काम सम्पन्न गर्ने हो भने सहज पनि हुन्थ्यो र संभव पनि हुन्थ्यो तर राजनैतिक र प्राविधिक कामको भेद नै नवुझेर हो वा वुझिवुझि त्यसै गर्न चाहेर हो वडे वडे नेताहरुको झुण्ड संविधानको धारा र खण्डमा माथा पच्चिसी गरेको छ राजनैतिक विषयमा उसको कुनै चासो नै छैन । उता प्राविधिक मानिसहरु जो संविधानसभा मै छैनन् उनीहरु राजनैतिक उपदेश दिएर हैरान छन् यस्तो कुराको चापमा जेष्ठ १४ खडा भएको छ । जेष्ठ १४ संवैधानिक वाध्यता हो त्यसलाई नाघछौं भन्न कसैले हदैन । नाघिदन भन्ने हो भने त्यस अघि संविधान आउने कुनै छाट लक्षण देखिदैन त्यसैले जेष्ठ १४ खतराको घण्टी वनेर वसेको छ ।
संविधानसभा भंगको हल्लाः
जेष्ठ १४मा संविधान नवने संविधत्रानसभा स्वतः भंग हुन्छ भन्ने तर्क यतिवेला चर्कोसंग उठेर आएको छ । खास गरी माओवादीको चालिस प्रतिशतको उस्थिती नपचाएकाहरुले यसलाई जेष्ठ १४ अगावै विघटन गरिदिन पाए हुन्थ्यो भन्ने नसोचेका होईनन् तर त्यसो सोच्दा सोच्दै जेष्ठ १४ आई नै सक्यो अव अगावपै विघटन गर्नै परेन १४ पछि संविधान संशोधन गरेर म्याद नथपे विघटनको मक्सद पुरा हुने भो यो लाईनमा प्रतिगामी र यथास्थितिवादीहरु ल्ागि परेकाछन् । यसै वखत माओवादीको निर्णय जेष्ठ १४ पछि संविधानसभाको म्याद कुनै हालतमा थपिदैन भन्ने आएको छ । दुवैको एकदमै फरक फरक कोणवाट तर परिणाम त्यही निस्कने गरी दुवैको मेल यहानिर देखिन्छ जेष्ठ १४ पछि संविधानसभाको मिति पुगेको घोषणा गर्ने । यदि यसो भयो भने प्रतिगामीहरु संविधानसभा भंग गर्ने षडयन्त्र गर्दैछ न् भनेर आरोप लगाउने माओवादी त्यही कुरालाई सघाउ पुराउदैछ भने माओवादी जनविद्रोह गरेर सत्ता कव्जा गर्दैछ भनेर आरोप लगाउनेहरुले माओवादीलाई त्यही गर्न वाध्य पार्ने वा सघाउने ठाउमा उभिएकाछन् परिणामले त्यही देखाउदैछ ।
संशोधन संविधानसम्मत
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप गर्न हुन्छ कि हुदैन भनेर खासगरी कानुन्चीहरुका माझमा राम्रै वहस चलेका वखत सर्वोच्च अदालतको तिनसदस्यीय विषेश ईजलाशले संविधान संशोधन हुन सक्ने फैसला सुनाईदिएर कानुन्चीहरुको मुख वन्द गरिदिएको छ । सर्वोच्च अदालतले यतिमात्रै भनेन उसले संविधानसभाको कार्यभार नया संविधान निर्माण गर्ने हो आजसम्मका क्रान्ति र आन्दोलनका उपलव्धीहरुको संस्थागत विकास पनि गर्ने हो र नेपाली जनताको शान्ति र संविधान एवं अग्रगमनको प्रत्याभूति पनि गर्ने हो यो दायित्ववाट संविधानसभा उम्किन मिल्दैन पनि भनिदियो र अझै अघि वढेर सर्वोच्च अदालतले भन्यो कि गणतन्त्र र संघीयताको विरुद्धमा जान वाहेक संविधानसभालाई संविधान जुनसुकै तरिकाले संशोधन गर्ने हक छ । र हाम्रो संविधानका सवैधारा संशोधनीय छन् भनेर प्रष्ट पारिदियो । यसलाई दलहरुले आफनालागि चाहिएकै शिक्षाका रुपमा लिनु र यो अवसरको राम्ररी सदुपयोग गर्नु यतिवेलाको आवश्यकता हो ।
निष्कर्षः
शान्ति र संविधान जनताको जनादेश हो यो वाहेक अरु कुनै पनि कुरा जनादेश वाहिरका विषय हुने छन् जे गरे पनि शान्तिकालागि र जे गरे पनि संविधानकालागि भन्ने वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन शान्ति र संविधानको विरुद्धमा जाने हक नत संविधानसभालाई न दलहरुलाई वा अरु कुनै दृश्य अदृश्य शक्तिलाई नै हुनेछ । यही नै आजको आवश्यता हो । सवै कुरा थाति राखेर अव आफनो शक्ति प्रदर्शनको ठाउवाट फेरि आत्मसातीकरणकै ठाउमा पुग्नु वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन त्यसै भएर होला वल्ल माओवादी अध्यक्ष प्रचण्डले वहुमतिय व्यवस्थालाई खारेज गरी सहमतिय व्यवस्थामा फकौं भन्नु भएकै छ यसो गरियो भने १२ वुदेको मर्म र भावना आफैतिर फर्केर आत्मसातीकरण गर्ने कुरा र जनताका सामु आफनो गल्ती कवुल गर्ने र नदोहोरयाउने कुरा मा पुगिनेछ तव मात्रै शान्ति र संविधान संभव हुनेछ ।
SECURITY SECTOR REFORM Democratization of Nepal Army By HK Devkota
SECURITY SECTOR REFORM
Democratization of Nepal Army
By Hari Krishna Devkota
Submitted to
Nepal Transition To Peace(NTTP) Initiative
Table of Contents
1. Historical Perspective 3
2. The History of Civil-Military Relations 4
3. Current Situation of Civil -Military Relation 5
4. Current Provisions regarding Nepal Army 8
4.1 Constitutional Provision 8
4.2 Comprehensive peace agreement 9
5. Geopolitical Condition and resources 9
5.1 Geo-political condition 9
5.2 Resources 10
6. Promoting Reforms within Nepal Army 11
6.1 Democratization of NA 12
6.2 Restructuring of Nepal Army 13
6.3 Imparting Inclusiveness in NA 13
7. Factors Influencing the Democratization of NA 17
7.1 Current infrastructure 17
7.2 Anti-Maoist Notion 18
7.3 Classical Group 18
7.4 International Community 18
7.5 Civil society 19
7.6 Political Parties 19
8. Conclusion 20
9. References 20
1. Historical Perspective
Nepal unification campaign launched by Prithvi Narayan Shah , was a turning point in the history of the Nepali army. Since unification was not possible without a strong army, the management of the armed forces had to be exceptional. Apart from the standard Malla era temples in Kathmandu, army being organized in Gorkha, technicians and experts had to be brought in from abroad to manufacture war materials. There is the belief that the current Nepal Army is the continuation of army established by Drabya Shah under the command of Bhaghirath Pant in 1616 B.S(Narahari Acharya,2066) After the Gorkhali troops captured Nuwakot, the neighbouring principality of Kathmandu (Kantipur) in the year 1744, the Gorkhali armed forces came to be known as the Royal Nepalese Army. The supremacy of the army under the royal regime shifted to the prime minister during the regime of PM bhimsen thapa. He was the first commander in chief. Then during the regime of Jung Bahadur Rana PM became the Supreme commander of Royal Nepal army. Their gallantry, sincerity and simplicity impressed even their enemy so much that the British East-India Company started recruiting Nepalese into their forces. Since the British had fought against then RNA, which was till that time, still colloquially known as "Army of Gorkha" or "Gorkhali" army, the British called their new soldiers "Gurkhas". The Indian army, after gaining their independence from the British, started calling them "Gorkha". There is still some misunderstanding that the Nepali Army is a part of the British and Indian Armies. The Gurkha Rifles existing in India and Britain are part of foreign military organizations where Nepalis are recruited. The NA are rightfully the true heir of the title of "The original Army of the Gorkha".
With the political change of 2007, the Shah King tried to practize the executive power and then the army again became under the control of the Royal family. Even the first peoples elected government couldn't ammend this provision of nepali army but instead, the people elected prime minister was arrested by the army officilials under the direction of the King Mahendra. During the 30 years of the autocratic panchayat regime (1960- 1990), the military was used to carry out repressive measures against democratic forces and was responsible for disappearances and killings of political party activists. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the military was, in theory, placed under the National Security Council headed by the Prime Minister. In practice, the King, as the supreme commander of the army continued to exercise authority over military deployment and the daily business of the army through the military secretariat located inside the palace. In principle, Nepal’s military was not created for encounters within the country or for internal affairs, and in fact was not deployed for the first five years of the insurgency launched by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists). The army even often refused to assist in emergency operations to rescue the Nepal Police during the insurgency. During the King’s direct rule (February 2005 – April 2006), the military led the unified command (comprised of the armed police and regular police) and carried out numerous brutal acts of suppression of the democratic movement and killed innocent civilians in the name of eliminating the Maoists throughout the country. The military came to the street to suppress peaceful demonstrations in April 2006 and indiscriminately fired on crowds in different parts of the country that killed at least 21 Nepali citizens and injured more than five thousand peaceful agitators that resulted in hundreds being permanently disabled. Before the nonviolent demonstrations, and even prior to the 2005 coup, the military was responsible for disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and using torture, all on a systematic level.
Prior to 2006 the Nepal Army was known as the Royal Nepalese Army and was under the control of the King of Nepal following the People's Movement for Democracy on May 18, 2006 when a bill was passed by the Nepalese parliament curtailing royal power, this included renaming the army.
2. The History of Civil-Military Relations
For over 240 years, the then Royal Nepalese Army had been controlled by the royal family, operating only in the interest of the monarchy rather than in the interest of Nepali people, nation, democracy, and nationalism. The 104-year, hereditary Rana regime, with the support of this institution (Nepal Army was in fact structured and operated as a family force) had widened the gap between the ruled and ruler. The army was inflicted by the family-centric feudal fixtures such as, nepotism, favoritisms, sycophancy, and so forth. It is generally accepted that the Nepal Army as an institution has never been supported by popular will, which is demonstrated by its behavior during the 1960 royal coup, where it safeguarded King Mahendra’s undemocratic move. The Nepal Army seems to have continued to support every autocratic regime by resisting all Nepalese democratic movements in history. The army also suppressed the popular uprisings in the post-60s period by killing the NC rebels without a trace of remorse.
Interestingly, the Nepal Army, in the federal democratic republic Nepal as well, could not separate itself from its traditional schooling and legacy. During the 30-year Panchayat era (1960-90), the entire security system, including the military, was headed by the king and his courtier’s inner circle. The slogan ‘Rajbhakti, Hamro Shakti’, (loyalty to the king is the power of the army); succinctly encapsulates feudal culture. During the drafting of the constitution in 1990, it implicitly put pressure on the Interim Prime Minister to retain the sovereignty of the people to the king because, for the army, the king remains the solitary representation of the state.. Following tradition, then CoAS, Pyar Jung Thapa, gave a key note speech to the graduate officer cadets at the 11th convocation of the Command-in-Staff College of the then Royal NA on May 14, 2004.
He stated that, “the crown is the symbol of our identity. Moreover, the Kingship is the symbol of progenitor and protector of the Royal Nepal Army along with people’s nationalism and national unity. Therefore, all Nepal’s should be united towards safeguarding the symbol of Nepal’s characteristics along with the fundamentals of our national interests and desire.”
Civil Military Relations (CMR) faces several challenges from the security sector in the (post) armed conflict period. Retired brigadier general Keshar Bahadur Bhandari has said that the issue of civilian supremacy and civil control over the army is high on the agenda. Various armed forces have emerged and the process of militarization has become common. That creates military values which impose themselves on civilian values. Socio-psychologically, armed groups feel superior to the civilian in conflict and post-conflict times. However, the doctrine of civil supremacy states the armed forces should be controlled by, and accountable to, the elected civilian government.
3. Current Situation of Civil -Military Relation
The confrontation between the Prachanda led government and NA was heightened when the Defense Minister refused to forward the file of the eight-Brigadier Generals at the cabinet for their three-year extension of tenure. There has already been a tug-of-war between them, with the Defense Ministry’s refusal of new recruitment initiated by the Army. The retirement of the brigadiers who are assumed to be loyal to the CoAS Katawal from March 15, 2009 onward, weakened his position further. In response he made a strong stand against the PLA’s integration in the Nepal Army or formation of a new National Army on the obvious conspiratorial advice of anti-Maoist forces and traditional mainstream political parties. Thus, the CoAS is directly responsible for his present position in regard to the Government.
Additionally, the NA has challenged the principles of civilian control by ignoring the government’s order to stop the recruitment process. On the other hand, none of the institutions, powerful donor agencies, pillars of civil society, or factions of the government have thought of how to improve the relations between civilian and military institutions. Nepal holds two military forces, the Nepal Army and the Maoist PLA, after signing the Peace Accord and Arms and Armies Management in 2006. There had been repeated promises inside and outside of Nepal’s armed forces to democratize and respect civilian supremacy and human rights, but efforts have repeatedly failed to meet assurances of professionalizing the PLA and democratizing the NA.
The Supreme Court (SC) full-bench ruling on March 9, 2009 not to make additional recruitment in its rank and file has encouraged departmental action against CoAS. However, the court also issued a decision allowing a loophole for the continuation of newly recruited soldier training. There has been heavy pressure to fire the CoAS, even within the military, owing to the deference toward the elected government and their own national identity-based institution. As a result, the Army Chief is trying his best to visit door-to-door to the anti-Maoist leaders to influence them against the present government. If the intensive debate within the NA cannot be resolved soon, there may be a confrontation within the command and even the rank and file (traditional forces vs. reformist forces). That may finally lead to a coup similar to Pakistan, Bangladesh and so forth. As most of the generals of the NA are working not only as a result of their own competency, but from their strong link with the former king, the CoAS influence tapers off vertically down to the rank and file.
The weakness can also been seen on the side of Defense Minister as he could not lose his war-time mind-set against the NA even after the government was formed under his own parties leadership. This can be chalked up to his close association with the PLA.
At that time PM Prachanda himself was surprised to see both external and internal pressure regarding clarification from his own civil servant. He has stated that he has been receiving great pressure against the clarification and possible action against the CoAS from both India and the USA. One of the Minister, publicly stated, “Foreign powers are operating the CoAS Rookmangud Katawal.” He further stated, “The CoAS continued to speak against the peace process with the support from foreign powers.”
The ambiguity between civilian supremacy and military supremacy resides in the space provided by the lack of identification of national interest (external, internal, and timely reform), national security policy, and the extension of NA’s number (45,000 to 95,753 in five years period of insurgency while the NA mobilized against the Maoist People’s War) without any concrete plans, policies, and measures. Still there is not any specific security mechanism charged with the NA’s mobilization, management, and control. To democratize the NA and make it inclusive is yet another major challenge for Nepal.
Despite objections by the UN, the National Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International and other rights bodies, Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s government last month promoted Major-General Toran Jung Bahadur Singh to lieutenant-general as well as second in command in the army.
The general has been under fire by human rights bodies as the battalion commanded by him ran a secret torture camp in the heart of the capital during the end of the Maoist insurgency, illegally arresting and torturing suspected Maoists and their sympathisers and extra-judicially executing 49 people, whose bodies have yet not been found.
The UN rights agency in Nepal, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, had conducted an investigation into the disappearances and said it had credible evidence that they vanished from the torture camp run by the battalion headed by Singh. Though the general did not directly take part in the killings, the UN agency said as the head of the troops, he was accountable. Singh’s promotion was challenged by three Maoist leaders, who had been detained in the camp but survived. Chief Justice Anup Raj Sharma himself heard the petition and asked the government to halt the promotion.
In the past, though several controversial army officers have been taken to court and army moves challenged, there has been no result due to the agonisingly slow judicial process in Nepal, especially when the defendants are powerful people.
Nepal’s former army chief, Gen Rookmangud Katawal, was also promoted despite his dark human rights record. Though a petition was filed in court, saying he had presented his false age, it is yet to be resolved even though the general retired last year with full honours.
The Indian Army chief projected himself as anti-Maoist last month when he objected the integration of Maoist combatants’ with the Nepal Army even though Nepal’s political parties had agreed to do it in the comprehensive peace agreement. The statement drew flak from the Maoists, who have accused him of intervening in Nepal’s internal affairs. Human rights groups say the Indian Army’s support for the Nepal Army has prevented army officers from being punished despite of the atrocities they had committed during the Maoists’ “people’s war”.
Lawyer Shree Krishna Subedi who filed the writ in the supreme court against the NA recruitment process was seriously bitten by the unidentified group allegedly related to the personnel of NA on 19th April 2010 shows the recent attitude of NA towards the democratization of NA.(Nepal army, in politics, Politics in Nepal army).
4. Current Provisions Regarding Nepal Army
a. Constitutional Provision
Nepal has changed from a kingdom to the federal Republic. Traditional relations of army with the monarch have to be replaced with the new relationship with the elected and legitimate people's representative. Therefore the constitution of Nepal has clearly spelt the nature of Nepal army. The provision regarding the Nepal army can be summarized as mentioned below.
The president on the recommendation of the Council of ministers shall control, mobilize, and manage the Nepal army in accordance with the law. The council of ministers shall, with the consent of the existing political parties and by seeking the advice of the concerned committee of the legislative parliament, formulate an extensive work plan for the democratization of Nepal Army and implement it. In accord the above mention provision in formulating and implementing the action plan , determination of the appropriate number of Nepal army, its democratic structure and national and inclusive character shall be developed and training shall be imparted to the army in accordance with the norms and values of democracy and human rights.. In order to give the national character and make it inclusive, enlisting of Madhesi, indigenous ethnic groups Dalits women and people from the backward regions into the armed forces on the basis of the principles of equality and inclusiveness shall be assured by law.
The word democratization of the armed forces can be explained in terms of three crucial elements. They are: (a) the relationship between the army and the state, (b) internal organizational values and structure of the army and (c) the link between the army and the general pobulace.
b. Comprehensive Peace Agreement
In a ceremony held at the Birendra International Convention Center in capital Kathmandu on November 21, 2006, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and Maoist chairman Prachanda signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) 2006.
As per the provision in comprehensive peace agreement the Council of Ministers shall control, mobilize and manage the Nepali Army as per the military Act. The Interim Council of Ministers shall prepare and implement the detailed action plan of the democratization of the Nepali Army by taking suggestions from the concerned committee of the Interim Parliament. This shall include tasks such as determining the right number of the Nepali Army, preparing the democratic structure reflecting the national and inclusive character and training them as per the democratic principles and the values of the human rights.
Nepal Army shall be giving continuity to the tasks such as boarder security, security of the conservation areas, protected areas, banks airports, power house, telephone tower, central secretariat and security of VIPs. The Nepali Army will continue with regular training including live fire exercises. Maintenance and replacement of lethal weapons will take place only with the determination of the interim government or agreement by both parties. Furthermore, the government shall be taking care of the security arrangement of the Maoist leaders.
5. Geopolitical Condition and resources
a. Geo-political Condition
For over a century and a half the geopolitical condition served Nepal's rulers to find their way out of the conflicting demands of two big and powerful neighbours. Subsequently, Nepal continued to adopt a well calibrated 'policy of physical isolation and exclusion of foreigners, coupled with balance of power politics. Notably, Nepal's physical distance from central China and the succession of weak governments there for centuries before 1949, inclined Nepal in the past to think that India's interference and intervention in Nepal's affairs was a greater probability than China's. Emphasizing geo-political realities King Birendra proposed to declare Nepal as a Zone of Peace (ZOP) in 1973. Furthermore future equation between Nepal and its closest neighbors- India and China largely depends on how the Tibet issue is handled, and the economy. As long as Nepal agrees to deal with anti China elements in the country and to control the flow of Tibetan refugees into the country; Beijing will act favorably towards Kathmandu. China has already doubled its economic aid package to Nepal and more good news might follow. India is also finally ready to listen to Nepal's concerns and work on bilateral issues. Nepal is in a position to get the best from its two neighbors, but the deteriorating law and order situation in the country and political turmoil could spoil the opportunity (Nath and Acharya 1987). With the security situation extremely fluid, external forces' interest and activities opaque, or dubious, it is impossible to say what's next.
b. Resources
The resources for Nepal army are much more less than that of the giant neighbour. The active troops for India is 1.5 million where as that of china is 3 million which are far more than the 0.1 million troops of Nepal army. Furthermore, India spends $32 billion and china $78.25 billion as their defense budget but total budget for Nepal for the year 2009/2010 was only $3.81 billion. This situation also directs the Nepal's relationship with the neighbors. The total strength of Nepal army according to the Comprehensive Peace accord is 91444 personnel. Nepal's military resources can be compared with that of its neighbors and will be supportive in its national security strategy.
.Indian Army statistics
Active Troops
1,414,000
Reserve Troops
1,800,000
Indian Territorial Army
787,000
Main battle tanks
5,000
Artillery
3,200
Ballistic missiles
~100 (Agni-I, Agni-II, Agni-III) Dhanus : ShipLBM
Ballistic missiles
~1,000 Prithvi missile series,Sagarika : SLBM,Shaurava : MRBM, Dhanush: ShipLBM (Quasi-ballistic missile)Dhanush: ShipLBMMRBM,(Quasi-ballistic missile)
• Shaurya: MRBM (Quasi-ballistic missile)
• Dhanush: ShipLBM
Cruise missiles
~1,000 BrahMos
Aircraft
~1,500
Surface-to-air missiles
100,000
On the other hand, China has six types of operational land based nuclear-capable ballistic missiles, the DF-3A, DF-4, DF-5/5A, DF-11, DF-15, and the DF-21/21X. China flight tested the DF-31 in August 1999, but it is unknown if it has been deployed. A longer range road mobile ballistic missile, the DF-41, is also being developed, but has not been flight tested. China has only one type of operational submarine launched ballistic missile (SLBM), the Julang-1. Twelve Julang-1 are deployed on China's single Xia-class ballistic missile nuclear submarine (SSBN). The warheads for the Julang-1 are believed to be stored at the Jianggezhuang Submarine Base. China is developing a longer range SLBM known as the JL-2 which is the sea-based version of the DF-31. The JL-2 has not yet been tested from any submarines.
Chinese Army statistics
Active Troops 2,255,000
Reserve Troops
800,000
Active paramilitary units
3,969,000
Total Land Based weapons 31,300
Tanks
8,200
Towed Artillery
14,000
Ballistic missiles (Currently deployed)
DF9(Dong Feng) 3/3A, DF4,DF5/5A,DF11, DF21,JL(Julang)121: ASBM (anti ballastic missile),DF-25: IRBM,DF-31: ICBMDF-41ICBM,JL-1: SLBM IRBM,JL-2: SLBM ICBM,B-611: SRBM,P-21: TBM SSM
Aircrafts and helicopters
1,900 +491
6. Promoting Reforms within Nepal Army
The types, sizes, number, equipments are directly related to the country’s security threat perception against their national interests. Defining core values, identifying National Interests and developing a ‘National Security Strategy’ after evaluating threats should be done by people's representatives in consultation with the security experts and the members of security forces. Civilians direct their nation's military and decide issues of national defence not because they are necessarily wiser than military professionals, but precisely because they are the people's representatives, they are charged with the responsibility for making these decisions and remaining accountable for them. Army performs only to support National Security Strategy.
In democracies, questions of peace and war or other threats to national security are the most important issues a society faces, and thus must be decided by the people, acting through their elected representatives. A democratic military serves its nation rather than leads it. Military leaders can advise, but the decisions made by the elected leaders must be carried out. Only those who are elected by the people have the final authority and the responsibility to decide the fate of a nation. This idea of civilian control and authority over the military is thus, fundamental to democracy.
In democratic countries not only the supreme-commander-in-Chief, but also the system should be such that there is check and balances in every level of operations from civilian, bureaucracy to security forces level. This necessitates the involvement of various organizations and committees like State Affairs Committee, Cabinet Committee of National Security, Parliamentary Standing Committee on defence, National Security Council, Ministry of Defence, National Defence Committee etc.
a. Democratization of Nepal Army
The democratic education and attitude of the armed force needs to be promoted so that the military can be properly integrated in the society and not pose a threat to the democracy. In accord with the provision of the interim provision regarding NA, formulating and implementing the action plan , determination of the appropriate number of Nepal army, its democratic structure and national and inclusive character shall be developed and training shall be imparted to the army in accordance with the norms and values of democracy and human rights.
The democratic governance is a central element of security sector restructuring. The following elements that can be helpful in enhancing the democratic disposition of uniformed personnel:
• Allegiance to the constitution and state institution.
• Security sector as the mirror of the Society.
• Legalizing disobedience to illegal and abusive orders
• Promoting education in key values and norms to the military personnel.
• Establishing the criteria for the appointment of top security personnel.
• A well defined internal order of the security sector. The reason of state establishes that its legitimate monopoly on power is prerequisite to defend the citizens from external threat and performance governance functions.
• Providing the political neutrality and non active involvement to the security forces. Professionalism of security agencies on public affairs and parliament and government on security matters are crucial to build mutual confidence.
• Civilians in Top security management Modern democracy requires the primacy of civilian control (elected parliament and government) over security components especially on matters of security expenditure, the disposition of structure, control over internal promotions, the kind of military technology to be acquired, purchase of equipments, military tasks, doctrine and security strategy.
• Institutionalization of civil-security relations is important for coherence and synergy of the tasks and prevent the rise of militarism occurring at societal (armed groups, militant youth wings and radicalism in political party) levels.
• A project of civic education (enlightenment) is essential to provide exposure and constructive engagement of all the stakeholders on the principles and practice of national security, democracy, human rights, constitutionalism and rights and responsibilities of citizens so that they develop cultivated capacity to take effective
b. Restructuring of Nepal Army
The Comprehensive Peace Accord and Interim Constitution states about redefining the size of Nepal Army. The actual size of Nepal army depends upon the several factors such as long term national security policy, international power relation and Nepal's position, economic feasibility of the state, possibility of mobilizing alternative security arrangement areas of engagement, the current geopolitical condition and several other factors. For resizing the Nepal army the options may be upsizing, downsizing or maintaining the current situation. In addition, according the comprehensive Peace Accord and interim constitution the PLA should also be addressed which may also determine the resizing of NA and it's restructuring.
Though there is not a strong voice regarding the upsizing of the army, the voices regarding the downsizing and maintaining the existing strength are prominent. The proponents of the keeping the existing strength argue that reducing the existing strength may cause imbalance in command, needs deterrence in case of unexpected external interference, serious problems in nature conservation, affects the development works by Nepal army, alters the contribution in UN peace keeping mission, in disaster management in the the security of V/VIP, during internal conflicts, in the security of the tasks currently allocated to the NA.
But the proponents for the downsizing the NA argue that during the Maoist insurgency the size has been doubled which is much more expensive to the poor country. Furthermore, they argue that the engagement in palace security, parks and reserves security should be terminated and should be handed over to Nepal police. Nepal geopolitical condition reflects that it cannot confront or compete to the giant neighbour. In the case if deterrence is needed every Nepalese citizens should be trained.
c. Imparting Inclusiveness in NA
According to the provision of the provision of the interim constitution the NA should reflect the inclusive character. In order to give the national character and make it inclusive, enlisting of Madhesi, indigenous ethnic groups, Dalits, women and people from the backward regions into the armed forces on the basis of the principles of equality and inclusiveness shall be assured by law. The present situation shows the CoAS Chhatra Man Singh Gurung to be the first army personnel to be the Chief which is a key success in imparting inclusiveness in Nepal Army. The current inclusiveness status of Nepal army can be observed from the table below.
Table: State of Castes / Ethnic Inclusion in Nepalese Army (As of July 30, 2008)
S. No.
(A) Caste / Ethnic Groups
(B) Population
(2001 census)
(C) % of Total
Population
(D) Representation
in NA
(E) % of Total
Representation
(F)
1. Chhetri 3,593,496 15.80 37,762 41.85
2. Brahmins 2,896,477 12.74 8,979 9.95
3. Magar 1,622,421 7.14 8,696 9.63
4. Tamang 1,282,304 5.64 5397 5.98
5. Newar 1,245,232 5.48 5,981 6.62
6. Kami 895,954 3.94 2,435 2.69
7. Rai 635,151 2.79 2,562 2.83
8. Gurung 543,571 2.39 3,053 3.38
9. Dhamai/Dholi/ Gandharba 390,305 1.72 1,909 2.11
11. Limbu 359,379 1.58 952 1.05
12. Thakuri 334,120 1.47 3,358 3.72
13. Sarki 318,989 1.40 943 1.04
14. Gharti/Bhujel 117,568 0.52 645 0.71
15. Sanyasi 199,127 0.88 924 1.02
16. Kumal 99,389 0.44 461 0.51
17. Thakali
Sherpa 12,973
16,7585 0.06
0.68 139 0.15
18. Tharu
Rajbansi 1,533,879
95,812 6.75
0.42 4,765 5.28
19. Dusad/Paswan/Pasi 158,525 0.70 34 0.03
20. Teli 304,536 1.34 14 0.01
21. Hajam/Takur 98,169 0.43 437 0.48
22. Muslim 971,056 4.27 26 0.02
23. Mechhe 3,763 0.02 47 0.05
24. Raji 2399 0.01 12 0.01
25. Majhi 72,614 0.31 305 0.33
26. Darai 14,859 0.07 142 0.15
27. Danuwar 53,229 0.23 116 0.12
28. Jirel 5,316 0.02 61 0.06
29. Thami 22,999 0.10 62 0.06
30. Chepang 52,237 0.23 25 0.02
31. Pahari 11,505 0.05 24 0.02
32. Rajdhob, Pela 8
Total 90,226 100
Source: Wikipedia
Among various castes and ethnic communities Chhetris seem to have domination in the military. Magars, Newars, Rais, Gurungs, Damais/Dholis, Ghartis/Bhujels, Thakuris, Sanaysis, Kumals, Hajams/Thakurs, Darais and Jirels are also slightly over represented compared to their respective population ratio. But Brahmins, Tamangs, Kamis, Limbus, Sarkis, and Tharus are slightly under represented. Various Madhesi castes (Serial number 18-25) make 14.25 % of total population (Excluding 134, 496 Terai- Brahmin population which make 0.59% of total population. Currently in NA statistics, they are seemingly mixed with Brahmins of the Hills ) where as only 6.26 percent are seemingly serving in the army. The recruitment record of Nepal army shows the cause for this lesser degree of inclusion seems to be the lack of interest on the part of Madhesi communities to join military services.
In the decision making level out of 18 posts including two technical, in the rank of Major General and above, the current representations (as of July 2008) are- 8 Chhetri, 2 Limbu, 2 Brahmin, 2 Gurung, 2 Thakuri, 1 Rana, and 1 Newar. These figures differ after every case of retirements / promotions. Even in the times of the unification of Nepal, Jayantha Rana, an ethnic Magar, was one of the most successful commanders of King Prithivi Narayan Shah.
The voices have been heard that the discrimination based on ethnicity exists on recruitment in NA for the post of sipahi. To find a realistic picture NA had compared the statistics of aspirants of various castes and ethnic communities from those who had registered their name to join the NA in January 2008 in Dhading, Patan, Sarlahi, Dang, and Okhaldhunga recruitment centers below. Out of 15,825 applicants only 1,683 (10.6%) Madhesi and 835 (5.3%) Dalits have shown their interest to join NA. Applicants from Brahmin Chhetri and Janajati groups topped the figure by 53.3% and 30.9% respectively. The summary of aspirants during the recruitment process can be summarized as in the table below.
Table: Comparison of Candidates Applied For the Post of Sipahi and Followers
S.No. Recruitment Center Brahmin,
Chhetri Janajati/ Indigenous
Community Dalits Madhesi,
Tharu Total
1. Dhading, Baireni 294 280 141 53 768
2. Sarlahi, Nawalpur 764 468 48 289 1569
3. Patan, Lagankhel 4240 2768 258 273 7539
4. Dang, Tulsipur 294 473 152 534 2462
5. Okhaldhunga 531 410 84 0 1025
6. Dang 1303 473 152 534 2462
Total 8,435 4,872 835 1683 15,825
Percentage 53.3 30.9 5.3 10.6
Source: From various recruitment centres of NA.
Application for recruitment of S. No. 50 Officer Cadet (to be commissioned as 2/Lt after training) was called by Recruitment Selection Directorate in Army HQ by November 2007/08. Total of 4,993 male youths from all five development regions and 75 districts applied for the post. Status of representation from various castes / ethnic groups and region are shown on table below:
Table: Aspirants for Officer Cadet on Casts / Ethnic and Regional Basis
S.No Development Regions Brahmin
Chhetri Janajati, Indigenous
Community Dalits Madhesi
Tharu Total %
1. Eastern 411 168 9 14 602 12.05
2. Central 2056 701 56 35 2848 57.03
3. Western 651 197 28 10 886 17.75
4. Mid Western 286 37 14 14 351 7.02
5. Far Western 279 21 3 3 306 6.15
Total Applicants 3683 1124 110 76 4993
Percentage 73.8 22.5 2.7 1.5
Source: AG Dept (Recruitment Selection), Nepalese Army HQ.
Out of 4993 aspirants for the post of Officer Cadet (2/Lt) 3,683 (73.76%) applicants belong to Brahmin / Chhetri community, 1,124 (22.51%) belong to Janajati / Indigenous community, 110 (2.7 %) belong to Dalit community, and 76 (1.5 %) belong to Madhesi community. From the perspective of geographical representation, more than 50% applicants come from Central Development Region. From Far Western Development Region about 7% aspirants registered their name. A balanced education policy is needed to increase probability of proportional representation to all ethnic groups and regions since all the candidate have the equal probability of being selected as per the recruitment policy of Government of Nepal and Nepal army.
TAble: Comparative Result of IQ and Written Exams for Officer Cadet
S.No Brahmin, Chhetri Janajati/Indigenous Community Dalits Madhesi, Tharu Total
1. Number of Applicants 3683 1124 110 96 4993
Percentage 73.8 22.5 2.7 1.5
2. Passed in IQ Test 1267 327 19 16 1629
Percentage 77.77 20.07 1.16 0.98
3. Passed in Written Exams 312 46 5 2 365
Percentage 85.47 12.60 1.36 0.54
Source: AG Dept (Recruit Selection).
Applicants for Officer cadets undergo various exams before they finally get selected. Generally, it is found that bulk of the applicants normally fail in the written tests. The table above depicts that success ratio of Brahmin and Clhetris community in written tests are relatively higher i.e., 85.47 percent. Whereas success rate of Madhesis, Tharus, Dalits and Janajati communities are quite less with 0.54, 1.36 and 12.60 percent respectively. The latter three communities are relatively weaker in written reflects the weakness of education system in those regions where these community reside.
In Nepal different castes and ethnic groups have different motivation for their employment. Furthermore, the major obstacle for inclusiveness arise from the interest of the ethnic group also as for example more members of Madeshi community prefer to join Nepal police rather than Nepal Army.
7. Factors Influencing the Democratization of Nepal Army
Therefore during the process of democratization of security forces apart from the above mention necessary factors there are various other hurdles that play their role in the democratization of Nepal Army can be listed in the following points.
a. Current Infrastructure
At the time of monarchy the palace had direct control over the Nepal Army. It had an institution called Principal Military Secretariat through which the security forces were managed. The ministry of defence was very small and managed by the non-professionals. Invariably, the Prime minister himself headed it. After the Jana-andolan of 1989, the constitutional monarchical system was established. Thereafter National Security Council (NSC) was introduced whose president was the PM and the members were the Defence, Home and Finance ministers. Nepal Army, Armed Police, Nepal Police and National Investigation Department officials filled the NSC secretariat. Even after the establishment federal republic, the secretariat is under the civilian control but the working procedure had not changed much from that of monarchical system. The civilian leadership showed reluctance to bring much change in the entire management system of the Armed Forces especially in the Nepal Army. And lack of proper coordination between the civilian leadership and the army leadership is the major hurdle in its democratization.
b. Anti-Maoist Notion
During the period of insurgency the Nepal Army was boosted with the anti-maoist notion. But the situation of insurgency and the present transition to peace is different. After the CA election the rebellion has become the largest party among all and this position of the former alleged enemies might be the headache for the Nepal army which were trained to be anti-maoist. Further, the issue raised by the Maoist led government about the civilian supremacy versus military supremacy has heightened the anti-maoist notion of the NA. There are several schools of thought in the anti-Maoist notion. Better performance in some of the field by Former government led by Maoist was headache for the infamous leaders which further imparted the anti-maoist notion. People centric work by the government means their political carriers would be doomed. The Maoists shall impose an authoritarian regime, controlling the big house media, judiciary, and Nepal Army. The infamous leaders have fears that they shall be punished on charges of corruption if the government prevails in the country. These notions compelled them to get behind the NA and prop it up as a shield.
c. Classical Group
Among various forces in this diverse community there may be several semi-feudal, semi-imperial, and semi-colonial forces have had fertile time to advance their vested interest in the security forces especially the Nepal Army which is the stable and static power of the country. These forces are against inclusive democracy, people’s livelihood, freedom, and free-market economy. Destabilizing the state means grasping the opportunity to continue their extended privileges as in the past. These groups are seeking their own benefits by taking advantage of the internal conflicts in the Maoists party and even between two parties of the peace process and Nepal Army.
d. International Community
From India's point of view it understands that if Nepal were out of control, it would eventually affect the security system of India. India tends to minimize the role of Pakistani fundamentalists as a coping strategy for the communist problems in its home territory. Many European communities are trying to take the middle path by saying that the dispute is an internal matter and Nepal is to be a sovereign and independent country with full integrity. Due to the protracted history of the USA being against communist regimes, it wants to crush communist ideology using all available means. Owing to geo-political interest (as Nepal is in between India and China), the USA seeks a greater role in destabilizing Nepal’s regime for its hegemonic encroachment in both the emerging super powers of the modern world. A tiny minority of nations have an interest in preserving a colonial legacy in Nepal. Such forces are formally and informally supporting militarily supremacy. Furthermore, China is even in favour of the well established and static power in Nepal for its internal security. Therefore, the diverse interest of the international community has created a hurdle in democratization of NA despite the will of civilians.
e. Civil Society
The members in the civil society represent from different thoughts and even from different political background in the past. There are several divisive thoughts spreading through civil society. Furthermore, those members who are empowered by the donor communities obviously tend to work as spokespersons for their donor. Those who are seeking power are segregated under the umbrella of political parties. A very few are working independently for the sake of people, nation, democracy, and nationalism but they are in minority and are voiceless. The selfish interest groups are now happy to please their lords by informally supporting or undermining the army as per their interest in the fragile transition of Nepal politics.
f. Political Parties
The mainstream political parties (old parliamentarian parties), after the establishment of republic state and the Constituent Assembly election, are feeling themselves handicapped due to the position of UCPN Maoist in the CA. They are seeking assistance from the Nepal Army to compete with UCPN Maoist. This prevailing condition supports the NA to follow the previous classical trends of monarchy and is hindering in the path of democratization within the organization. To plead the Nepal Army they political parties are skiping and hiding the abuse by the army personnel. As for example, the defence minister Bidya Bhandari was constantly lobbing for the promotion of army general Toran Jung Bahadur Singh to Lieutenant General despite of the fact that he was accused of human right abuse by OHCHR. The similar case was with Major Niranjan Basnet who was accused of the murder of Maina Sunuwar in Kavre District. Furthermore, these political parties are actively involved in boosting the anti maoist notion to the organization. The willingness of the political parties, to handle the Nepal Army as per their interest as the monarch used to, is the major obstacle towards the democratization of Nepal Army.
8. Conclusion
Since from the establishment of the Nepal Army, it has been trained as the army of the royal family and not for the civilians. This notion still prevails within the organization. The internal structure of the Nepal army is similar to that of the British and Indian army module despite of its different geopolitical condition. Thus, there is a need for reform within in organization.
The preliminary step in reform is the democratization of NA by: its allegiance to constitution and state institution, legalizing disobedience to illegal and abusive orders, establishing well defined criteria for appointment of top security personal, maintaining internal order and political neutrality, imparting professionalism, civic education, civilian control and institutionalization of civil-security relation.
The restructuring and resizing of Nepal Army is essential as per the geopolitical condition, and available resources and responsibility. Imparting inclusiveness as per the constitutional provision and comprehensive peace agreement is one of the most essential factors for security sector reform. The balanced educational policy throughout the country for imparting professionalism along with inclusiveness is needed as the statistics of the recruitment process shows the default in education system among the ethnic groups on regional basis. Furthermore, the willingness of members of different ethnic groups towards diverse profession also creates difficulties in inclusiveness.
Though many steps towards the reform of NA have been taken in terms of inclusiveness, restructuring and democratization, the pace could not cope with the present need of democracy and civilian supremacy. The obstacles towards democratization such as anti-maoist notion, classical group, international community, civil society and political parties, need to be overcome by the independent team of experts for formulating the plans and policies for the reforming of NA.
9. References
• The interim constitution of Nepal, 2063 (2007).
• Josse M.R. Nepal's strategic balancing, South Asian Journal January to March 2004.
• Chandrasekharan S. 2006 NEPAL: Historic Peace Agreement Signed- but some problems continue-South Asian Analysis group.
• Acharya N. 2066 Nepali Sena Nepali surakchya chhetra: ek sangraha (ed)Bishnu Sapkota p 149-168.
• Yogi Narahari Nath and Babu Ram Acharya (eds.), (1978) 'Rastrapita Shri Panch Bada Maharaj Prithivinarayan Shah ko Divyopadesh', in Nepali Politics: Retrospect and Prospect Oxford University Press, p. 104.
• Born et al, 2003, Parliamentary oversight of the security sector, Principles, mechanisms and practices, Geneva Centre for the democratic control of armed forces.
• www.huntalternatives.org/download/46_security_sector_reform.pdf
• www.nepaldemocracy.org/civic.../Civil-Military%20relations.pdf
• www.fesnepal.org/.../Article%20of%20Lt.%20Gen%20Balananda%20Sharma.pdf
• www.internationalpeaceandconflict.org/.../DrBishnuRajUpreti?xg
• www.idrc.ca/uploads/user-S/11302485721reriefqimuna.doc
• www.nccr-nepal.org/publications.html
• www.mlmrsg.com/.../057_Nepal--our%20position-complete.pdf
• globalindiafoundation.org/Security_Options_of_Nepal%5B1%5D.doc
• nepalresearch.org/coup_2005/papers/shobhakar_060516.pdf
• www.internationalpeaceandconflict.org/.../DrBishnuRajUpreti?xg...
• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nepalese_Army
Democratization of Nepal Army
By Hari Krishna Devkota
Submitted to
Nepal Transition To Peace(NTTP) Initiative
Table of Contents
1. Historical Perspective 3
2. The History of Civil-Military Relations 4
3. Current Situation of Civil -Military Relation 5
4. Current Provisions regarding Nepal Army 8
4.1 Constitutional Provision 8
4.2 Comprehensive peace agreement 9
5. Geopolitical Condition and resources 9
5.1 Geo-political condition 9
5.2 Resources 10
6. Promoting Reforms within Nepal Army 11
6.1 Democratization of NA 12
6.2 Restructuring of Nepal Army 13
6.3 Imparting Inclusiveness in NA 13
7. Factors Influencing the Democratization of NA 17
7.1 Current infrastructure 17
7.2 Anti-Maoist Notion 18
7.3 Classical Group 18
7.4 International Community 18
7.5 Civil society 19
7.6 Political Parties 19
8. Conclusion 20
9. References 20
1. Historical Perspective
Nepal unification campaign launched by Prithvi Narayan Shah , was a turning point in the history of the Nepali army. Since unification was not possible without a strong army, the management of the armed forces had to be exceptional. Apart from the standard Malla era temples in Kathmandu, army being organized in Gorkha, technicians and experts had to be brought in from abroad to manufacture war materials. There is the belief that the current Nepal Army is the continuation of army established by Drabya Shah under the command of Bhaghirath Pant in 1616 B.S(Narahari Acharya,2066) After the Gorkhali troops captured Nuwakot, the neighbouring principality of Kathmandu (Kantipur) in the year 1744, the Gorkhali armed forces came to be known as the Royal Nepalese Army. The supremacy of the army under the royal regime shifted to the prime minister during the regime of PM bhimsen thapa. He was the first commander in chief. Then during the regime of Jung Bahadur Rana PM became the Supreme commander of Royal Nepal army. Their gallantry, sincerity and simplicity impressed even their enemy so much that the British East-India Company started recruiting Nepalese into their forces. Since the British had fought against then RNA, which was till that time, still colloquially known as "Army of Gorkha" or "Gorkhali" army, the British called their new soldiers "Gurkhas". The Indian army, after gaining their independence from the British, started calling them "Gorkha". There is still some misunderstanding that the Nepali Army is a part of the British and Indian Armies. The Gurkha Rifles existing in India and Britain are part of foreign military organizations where Nepalis are recruited. The NA are rightfully the true heir of the title of "The original Army of the Gorkha".
With the political change of 2007, the Shah King tried to practize the executive power and then the army again became under the control of the Royal family. Even the first peoples elected government couldn't ammend this provision of nepali army but instead, the people elected prime minister was arrested by the army officilials under the direction of the King Mahendra. During the 30 years of the autocratic panchayat regime (1960- 1990), the military was used to carry out repressive measures against democratic forces and was responsible for disappearances and killings of political party activists. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the military was, in theory, placed under the National Security Council headed by the Prime Minister. In practice, the King, as the supreme commander of the army continued to exercise authority over military deployment and the daily business of the army through the military secretariat located inside the palace. In principle, Nepal’s military was not created for encounters within the country or for internal affairs, and in fact was not deployed for the first five years of the insurgency launched by the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists). The army even often refused to assist in emergency operations to rescue the Nepal Police during the insurgency. During the King’s direct rule (February 2005 – April 2006), the military led the unified command (comprised of the armed police and regular police) and carried out numerous brutal acts of suppression of the democratic movement and killed innocent civilians in the name of eliminating the Maoists throughout the country. The military came to the street to suppress peaceful demonstrations in April 2006 and indiscriminately fired on crowds in different parts of the country that killed at least 21 Nepali citizens and injured more than five thousand peaceful agitators that resulted in hundreds being permanently disabled. Before the nonviolent demonstrations, and even prior to the 2005 coup, the military was responsible for disappearances, extrajudicial killings, and using torture, all on a systematic level.
Prior to 2006 the Nepal Army was known as the Royal Nepalese Army and was under the control of the King of Nepal following the People's Movement for Democracy on May 18, 2006 when a bill was passed by the Nepalese parliament curtailing royal power, this included renaming the army.
2. The History of Civil-Military Relations
For over 240 years, the then Royal Nepalese Army had been controlled by the royal family, operating only in the interest of the monarchy rather than in the interest of Nepali people, nation, democracy, and nationalism. The 104-year, hereditary Rana regime, with the support of this institution (Nepal Army was in fact structured and operated as a family force) had widened the gap between the ruled and ruler. The army was inflicted by the family-centric feudal fixtures such as, nepotism, favoritisms, sycophancy, and so forth. It is generally accepted that the Nepal Army as an institution has never been supported by popular will, which is demonstrated by its behavior during the 1960 royal coup, where it safeguarded King Mahendra’s undemocratic move. The Nepal Army seems to have continued to support every autocratic regime by resisting all Nepalese democratic movements in history. The army also suppressed the popular uprisings in the post-60s period by killing the NC rebels without a trace of remorse.
Interestingly, the Nepal Army, in the federal democratic republic Nepal as well, could not separate itself from its traditional schooling and legacy. During the 30-year Panchayat era (1960-90), the entire security system, including the military, was headed by the king and his courtier’s inner circle. The slogan ‘Rajbhakti, Hamro Shakti’, (loyalty to the king is the power of the army); succinctly encapsulates feudal culture. During the drafting of the constitution in 1990, it implicitly put pressure on the Interim Prime Minister to retain the sovereignty of the people to the king because, for the army, the king remains the solitary representation of the state.. Following tradition, then CoAS, Pyar Jung Thapa, gave a key note speech to the graduate officer cadets at the 11th convocation of the Command-in-Staff College of the then Royal NA on May 14, 2004.
He stated that, “the crown is the symbol of our identity. Moreover, the Kingship is the symbol of progenitor and protector of the Royal Nepal Army along with people’s nationalism and national unity. Therefore, all Nepal’s should be united towards safeguarding the symbol of Nepal’s characteristics along with the fundamentals of our national interests and desire.”
Civil Military Relations (CMR) faces several challenges from the security sector in the (post) armed conflict period. Retired brigadier general Keshar Bahadur Bhandari has said that the issue of civilian supremacy and civil control over the army is high on the agenda. Various armed forces have emerged and the process of militarization has become common. That creates military values which impose themselves on civilian values. Socio-psychologically, armed groups feel superior to the civilian in conflict and post-conflict times. However, the doctrine of civil supremacy states the armed forces should be controlled by, and accountable to, the elected civilian government.
3. Current Situation of Civil -Military Relation
The confrontation between the Prachanda led government and NA was heightened when the Defense Minister refused to forward the file of the eight-Brigadier Generals at the cabinet for their three-year extension of tenure. There has already been a tug-of-war between them, with the Defense Ministry’s refusal of new recruitment initiated by the Army. The retirement of the brigadiers who are assumed to be loyal to the CoAS Katawal from March 15, 2009 onward, weakened his position further. In response he made a strong stand against the PLA’s integration in the Nepal Army or formation of a new National Army on the obvious conspiratorial advice of anti-Maoist forces and traditional mainstream political parties. Thus, the CoAS is directly responsible for his present position in regard to the Government.
Additionally, the NA has challenged the principles of civilian control by ignoring the government’s order to stop the recruitment process. On the other hand, none of the institutions, powerful donor agencies, pillars of civil society, or factions of the government have thought of how to improve the relations between civilian and military institutions. Nepal holds two military forces, the Nepal Army and the Maoist PLA, after signing the Peace Accord and Arms and Armies Management in 2006. There had been repeated promises inside and outside of Nepal’s armed forces to democratize and respect civilian supremacy and human rights, but efforts have repeatedly failed to meet assurances of professionalizing the PLA and democratizing the NA.
The Supreme Court (SC) full-bench ruling on March 9, 2009 not to make additional recruitment in its rank and file has encouraged departmental action against CoAS. However, the court also issued a decision allowing a loophole for the continuation of newly recruited soldier training. There has been heavy pressure to fire the CoAS, even within the military, owing to the deference toward the elected government and their own national identity-based institution. As a result, the Army Chief is trying his best to visit door-to-door to the anti-Maoist leaders to influence them against the present government. If the intensive debate within the NA cannot be resolved soon, there may be a confrontation within the command and even the rank and file (traditional forces vs. reformist forces). That may finally lead to a coup similar to Pakistan, Bangladesh and so forth. As most of the generals of the NA are working not only as a result of their own competency, but from their strong link with the former king, the CoAS influence tapers off vertically down to the rank and file.
The weakness can also been seen on the side of Defense Minister as he could not lose his war-time mind-set against the NA even after the government was formed under his own parties leadership. This can be chalked up to his close association with the PLA.
At that time PM Prachanda himself was surprised to see both external and internal pressure regarding clarification from his own civil servant. He has stated that he has been receiving great pressure against the clarification and possible action against the CoAS from both India and the USA. One of the Minister, publicly stated, “Foreign powers are operating the CoAS Rookmangud Katawal.” He further stated, “The CoAS continued to speak against the peace process with the support from foreign powers.”
The ambiguity between civilian supremacy and military supremacy resides in the space provided by the lack of identification of national interest (external, internal, and timely reform), national security policy, and the extension of NA’s number (45,000 to 95,753 in five years period of insurgency while the NA mobilized against the Maoist People’s War) without any concrete plans, policies, and measures. Still there is not any specific security mechanism charged with the NA’s mobilization, management, and control. To democratize the NA and make it inclusive is yet another major challenge for Nepal.
Despite objections by the UN, the National Human Rights Commission, Amnesty International and other rights bodies, Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal’s government last month promoted Major-General Toran Jung Bahadur Singh to lieutenant-general as well as second in command in the army.
The general has been under fire by human rights bodies as the battalion commanded by him ran a secret torture camp in the heart of the capital during the end of the Maoist insurgency, illegally arresting and torturing suspected Maoists and their sympathisers and extra-judicially executing 49 people, whose bodies have yet not been found.
The UN rights agency in Nepal, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, had conducted an investigation into the disappearances and said it had credible evidence that they vanished from the torture camp run by the battalion headed by Singh. Though the general did not directly take part in the killings, the UN agency said as the head of the troops, he was accountable. Singh’s promotion was challenged by three Maoist leaders, who had been detained in the camp but survived. Chief Justice Anup Raj Sharma himself heard the petition and asked the government to halt the promotion.
In the past, though several controversial army officers have been taken to court and army moves challenged, there has been no result due to the agonisingly slow judicial process in Nepal, especially when the defendants are powerful people.
Nepal’s former army chief, Gen Rookmangud Katawal, was also promoted despite his dark human rights record. Though a petition was filed in court, saying he had presented his false age, it is yet to be resolved even though the general retired last year with full honours.
The Indian Army chief projected himself as anti-Maoist last month when he objected the integration of Maoist combatants’ with the Nepal Army even though Nepal’s political parties had agreed to do it in the comprehensive peace agreement. The statement drew flak from the Maoists, who have accused him of intervening in Nepal’s internal affairs. Human rights groups say the Indian Army’s support for the Nepal Army has prevented army officers from being punished despite of the atrocities they had committed during the Maoists’ “people’s war”.
Lawyer Shree Krishna Subedi who filed the writ in the supreme court against the NA recruitment process was seriously bitten by the unidentified group allegedly related to the personnel of NA on 19th April 2010 shows the recent attitude of NA towards the democratization of NA.(Nepal army, in politics, Politics in Nepal army).
4. Current Provisions Regarding Nepal Army
a. Constitutional Provision
Nepal has changed from a kingdom to the federal Republic. Traditional relations of army with the monarch have to be replaced with the new relationship with the elected and legitimate people's representative. Therefore the constitution of Nepal has clearly spelt the nature of Nepal army. The provision regarding the Nepal army can be summarized as mentioned below.
The president on the recommendation of the Council of ministers shall control, mobilize, and manage the Nepal army in accordance with the law. The council of ministers shall, with the consent of the existing political parties and by seeking the advice of the concerned committee of the legislative parliament, formulate an extensive work plan for the democratization of Nepal Army and implement it. In accord the above mention provision in formulating and implementing the action plan , determination of the appropriate number of Nepal army, its democratic structure and national and inclusive character shall be developed and training shall be imparted to the army in accordance with the norms and values of democracy and human rights.. In order to give the national character and make it inclusive, enlisting of Madhesi, indigenous ethnic groups Dalits women and people from the backward regions into the armed forces on the basis of the principles of equality and inclusiveness shall be assured by law.
The word democratization of the armed forces can be explained in terms of three crucial elements. They are: (a) the relationship between the army and the state, (b) internal organizational values and structure of the army and (c) the link between the army and the general pobulace.
b. Comprehensive Peace Agreement
In a ceremony held at the Birendra International Convention Center in capital Kathmandu on November 21, 2006, Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala and Maoist chairman Prachanda signed the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) 2006.
As per the provision in comprehensive peace agreement the Council of Ministers shall control, mobilize and manage the Nepali Army as per the military Act. The Interim Council of Ministers shall prepare and implement the detailed action plan of the democratization of the Nepali Army by taking suggestions from the concerned committee of the Interim Parliament. This shall include tasks such as determining the right number of the Nepali Army, preparing the democratic structure reflecting the national and inclusive character and training them as per the democratic principles and the values of the human rights.
Nepal Army shall be giving continuity to the tasks such as boarder security, security of the conservation areas, protected areas, banks airports, power house, telephone tower, central secretariat and security of VIPs. The Nepali Army will continue with regular training including live fire exercises. Maintenance and replacement of lethal weapons will take place only with the determination of the interim government or agreement by both parties. Furthermore, the government shall be taking care of the security arrangement of the Maoist leaders.
5. Geopolitical Condition and resources
a. Geo-political Condition
For over a century and a half the geopolitical condition served Nepal's rulers to find their way out of the conflicting demands of two big and powerful neighbours. Subsequently, Nepal continued to adopt a well calibrated 'policy of physical isolation and exclusion of foreigners, coupled with balance of power politics. Notably, Nepal's physical distance from central China and the succession of weak governments there for centuries before 1949, inclined Nepal in the past to think that India's interference and intervention in Nepal's affairs was a greater probability than China's. Emphasizing geo-political realities King Birendra proposed to declare Nepal as a Zone of Peace (ZOP) in 1973. Furthermore future equation between Nepal and its closest neighbors- India and China largely depends on how the Tibet issue is handled, and the economy. As long as Nepal agrees to deal with anti China elements in the country and to control the flow of Tibetan refugees into the country; Beijing will act favorably towards Kathmandu. China has already doubled its economic aid package to Nepal and more good news might follow. India is also finally ready to listen to Nepal's concerns and work on bilateral issues. Nepal is in a position to get the best from its two neighbors, but the deteriorating law and order situation in the country and political turmoil could spoil the opportunity (Nath and Acharya 1987). With the security situation extremely fluid, external forces' interest and activities opaque, or dubious, it is impossible to say what's next.
b. Resources
The resources for Nepal army are much more less than that of the giant neighbour. The active troops for India is 1.5 million where as that of china is 3 million which are far more than the 0.1 million troops of Nepal army. Furthermore, India spends $32 billion and china $78.25 billion as their defense budget but total budget for Nepal for the year 2009/2010 was only $3.81 billion. This situation also directs the Nepal's relationship with the neighbors. The total strength of Nepal army according to the Comprehensive Peace accord is 91444 personnel. Nepal's military resources can be compared with that of its neighbors and will be supportive in its national security strategy.
.Indian Army statistics
Active Troops
1,414,000
Reserve Troops
1,800,000
Indian Territorial Army
787,000
Main battle tanks
5,000
Artillery
3,200
Ballistic missiles
~100 (Agni-I, Agni-II, Agni-III) Dhanus : ShipLBM
Ballistic missiles
~1,000 Prithvi missile series,Sagarika : SLBM,Shaurava : MRBM, Dhanush: ShipLBM (Quasi-ballistic missile)Dhanush: ShipLBMMRBM,(Quasi-ballistic missile)
• Shaurya: MRBM (Quasi-ballistic missile)
• Dhanush: ShipLBM
Cruise missiles
~1,000 BrahMos
Aircraft
~1,500
Surface-to-air missiles
100,000
On the other hand, China has six types of operational land based nuclear-capable ballistic missiles, the DF-3A, DF-4, DF-5/5A, DF-11, DF-15, and the DF-21/21X. China flight tested the DF-31 in August 1999, but it is unknown if it has been deployed. A longer range road mobile ballistic missile, the DF-41, is also being developed, but has not been flight tested. China has only one type of operational submarine launched ballistic missile (SLBM), the Julang-1. Twelve Julang-1 are deployed on China's single Xia-class ballistic missile nuclear submarine (SSBN). The warheads for the Julang-1 are believed to be stored at the Jianggezhuang Submarine Base. China is developing a longer range SLBM known as the JL-2 which is the sea-based version of the DF-31. The JL-2 has not yet been tested from any submarines.
Chinese Army statistics
Active Troops 2,255,000
Reserve Troops
800,000
Active paramilitary units
3,969,000
Total Land Based weapons 31,300
Tanks
8,200
Towed Artillery
14,000
Ballistic missiles (Currently deployed)
DF9(Dong Feng) 3/3A, DF4,DF5/5A,DF11, DF21,JL(Julang)121: ASBM (anti ballastic missile),DF-25: IRBM,DF-31: ICBMDF-41ICBM,JL-1: SLBM IRBM,JL-2: SLBM ICBM,B-611: SRBM,P-21: TBM SSM
Aircrafts and helicopters
1,900 +491
6. Promoting Reforms within Nepal Army
The types, sizes, number, equipments are directly related to the country’s security threat perception against their national interests. Defining core values, identifying National Interests and developing a ‘National Security Strategy’ after evaluating threats should be done by people's representatives in consultation with the security experts and the members of security forces. Civilians direct their nation's military and decide issues of national defence not because they are necessarily wiser than military professionals, but precisely because they are the people's representatives, they are charged with the responsibility for making these decisions and remaining accountable for them. Army performs only to support National Security Strategy.
In democracies, questions of peace and war or other threats to national security are the most important issues a society faces, and thus must be decided by the people, acting through their elected representatives. A democratic military serves its nation rather than leads it. Military leaders can advise, but the decisions made by the elected leaders must be carried out. Only those who are elected by the people have the final authority and the responsibility to decide the fate of a nation. This idea of civilian control and authority over the military is thus, fundamental to democracy.
In democratic countries not only the supreme-commander-in-Chief, but also the system should be such that there is check and balances in every level of operations from civilian, bureaucracy to security forces level. This necessitates the involvement of various organizations and committees like State Affairs Committee, Cabinet Committee of National Security, Parliamentary Standing Committee on defence, National Security Council, Ministry of Defence, National Defence Committee etc.
a. Democratization of Nepal Army
The democratic education and attitude of the armed force needs to be promoted so that the military can be properly integrated in the society and not pose a threat to the democracy. In accord with the provision of the interim provision regarding NA, formulating and implementing the action plan , determination of the appropriate number of Nepal army, its democratic structure and national and inclusive character shall be developed and training shall be imparted to the army in accordance with the norms and values of democracy and human rights.
The democratic governance is a central element of security sector restructuring. The following elements that can be helpful in enhancing the democratic disposition of uniformed personnel:
• Allegiance to the constitution and state institution.
• Security sector as the mirror of the Society.
• Legalizing disobedience to illegal and abusive orders
• Promoting education in key values and norms to the military personnel.
• Establishing the criteria for the appointment of top security personnel.
• A well defined internal order of the security sector. The reason of state establishes that its legitimate monopoly on power is prerequisite to defend the citizens from external threat and performance governance functions.
• Providing the political neutrality and non active involvement to the security forces. Professionalism of security agencies on public affairs and parliament and government on security matters are crucial to build mutual confidence.
• Civilians in Top security management Modern democracy requires the primacy of civilian control (elected parliament and government) over security components especially on matters of security expenditure, the disposition of structure, control over internal promotions, the kind of military technology to be acquired, purchase of equipments, military tasks, doctrine and security strategy.
• Institutionalization of civil-security relations is important for coherence and synergy of the tasks and prevent the rise of militarism occurring at societal (armed groups, militant youth wings and radicalism in political party) levels.
• A project of civic education (enlightenment) is essential to provide exposure and constructive engagement of all the stakeholders on the principles and practice of national security, democracy, human rights, constitutionalism and rights and responsibilities of citizens so that they develop cultivated capacity to take effective
b. Restructuring of Nepal Army
The Comprehensive Peace Accord and Interim Constitution states about redefining the size of Nepal Army. The actual size of Nepal army depends upon the several factors such as long term national security policy, international power relation and Nepal's position, economic feasibility of the state, possibility of mobilizing alternative security arrangement areas of engagement, the current geopolitical condition and several other factors. For resizing the Nepal army the options may be upsizing, downsizing or maintaining the current situation. In addition, according the comprehensive Peace Accord and interim constitution the PLA should also be addressed which may also determine the resizing of NA and it's restructuring.
Though there is not a strong voice regarding the upsizing of the army, the voices regarding the downsizing and maintaining the existing strength are prominent. The proponents of the keeping the existing strength argue that reducing the existing strength may cause imbalance in command, needs deterrence in case of unexpected external interference, serious problems in nature conservation, affects the development works by Nepal army, alters the contribution in UN peace keeping mission, in disaster management in the the security of V/VIP, during internal conflicts, in the security of the tasks currently allocated to the NA.
But the proponents for the downsizing the NA argue that during the Maoist insurgency the size has been doubled which is much more expensive to the poor country. Furthermore, they argue that the engagement in palace security, parks and reserves security should be terminated and should be handed over to Nepal police. Nepal geopolitical condition reflects that it cannot confront or compete to the giant neighbour. In the case if deterrence is needed every Nepalese citizens should be trained.
c. Imparting Inclusiveness in NA
According to the provision of the provision of the interim constitution the NA should reflect the inclusive character. In order to give the national character and make it inclusive, enlisting of Madhesi, indigenous ethnic groups, Dalits, women and people from the backward regions into the armed forces on the basis of the principles of equality and inclusiveness shall be assured by law. The present situation shows the CoAS Chhatra Man Singh Gurung to be the first army personnel to be the Chief which is a key success in imparting inclusiveness in Nepal Army. The current inclusiveness status of Nepal army can be observed from the table below.
Table: State of Castes / Ethnic Inclusion in Nepalese Army (As of July 30, 2008)
S. No.
(A) Caste / Ethnic Groups
(B) Population
(2001 census)
(C) % of Total
Population
(D) Representation
in NA
(E) % of Total
Representation
(F)
1. Chhetri 3,593,496 15.80 37,762 41.85
2. Brahmins 2,896,477 12.74 8,979 9.95
3. Magar 1,622,421 7.14 8,696 9.63
4. Tamang 1,282,304 5.64 5397 5.98
5. Newar 1,245,232 5.48 5,981 6.62
6. Kami 895,954 3.94 2,435 2.69
7. Rai 635,151 2.79 2,562 2.83
8. Gurung 543,571 2.39 3,053 3.38
9. Dhamai/Dholi/ Gandharba 390,305 1.72 1,909 2.11
11. Limbu 359,379 1.58 952 1.05
12. Thakuri 334,120 1.47 3,358 3.72
13. Sarki 318,989 1.40 943 1.04
14. Gharti/Bhujel 117,568 0.52 645 0.71
15. Sanyasi 199,127 0.88 924 1.02
16. Kumal 99,389 0.44 461 0.51
17. Thakali
Sherpa 12,973
16,7585 0.06
0.68 139 0.15
18. Tharu
Rajbansi 1,533,879
95,812 6.75
0.42 4,765 5.28
19. Dusad/Paswan/Pasi 158,525 0.70 34 0.03
20. Teli 304,536 1.34 14 0.01
21. Hajam/Takur 98,169 0.43 437 0.48
22. Muslim 971,056 4.27 26 0.02
23. Mechhe 3,763 0.02 47 0.05
24. Raji 2399 0.01 12 0.01
25. Majhi 72,614 0.31 305 0.33
26. Darai 14,859 0.07 142 0.15
27. Danuwar 53,229 0.23 116 0.12
28. Jirel 5,316 0.02 61 0.06
29. Thami 22,999 0.10 62 0.06
30. Chepang 52,237 0.23 25 0.02
31. Pahari 11,505 0.05 24 0.02
32. Rajdhob, Pela 8
Total 90,226 100
Source: Wikipedia
Among various castes and ethnic communities Chhetris seem to have domination in the military. Magars, Newars, Rais, Gurungs, Damais/Dholis, Ghartis/Bhujels, Thakuris, Sanaysis, Kumals, Hajams/Thakurs, Darais and Jirels are also slightly over represented compared to their respective population ratio. But Brahmins, Tamangs, Kamis, Limbus, Sarkis, and Tharus are slightly under represented. Various Madhesi castes (Serial number 18-25) make 14.25 % of total population (Excluding 134, 496 Terai- Brahmin population which make 0.59% of total population. Currently in NA statistics, they are seemingly mixed with Brahmins of the Hills ) where as only 6.26 percent are seemingly serving in the army. The recruitment record of Nepal army shows the cause for this lesser degree of inclusion seems to be the lack of interest on the part of Madhesi communities to join military services.
In the decision making level out of 18 posts including two technical, in the rank of Major General and above, the current representations (as of July 2008) are- 8 Chhetri, 2 Limbu, 2 Brahmin, 2 Gurung, 2 Thakuri, 1 Rana, and 1 Newar. These figures differ after every case of retirements / promotions. Even in the times of the unification of Nepal, Jayantha Rana, an ethnic Magar, was one of the most successful commanders of King Prithivi Narayan Shah.
The voices have been heard that the discrimination based on ethnicity exists on recruitment in NA for the post of sipahi. To find a realistic picture NA had compared the statistics of aspirants of various castes and ethnic communities from those who had registered their name to join the NA in January 2008 in Dhading, Patan, Sarlahi, Dang, and Okhaldhunga recruitment centers below. Out of 15,825 applicants only 1,683 (10.6%) Madhesi and 835 (5.3%) Dalits have shown their interest to join NA. Applicants from Brahmin Chhetri and Janajati groups topped the figure by 53.3% and 30.9% respectively. The summary of aspirants during the recruitment process can be summarized as in the table below.
Table: Comparison of Candidates Applied For the Post of Sipahi and Followers
S.No. Recruitment Center Brahmin,
Chhetri Janajati/ Indigenous
Community Dalits Madhesi,
Tharu Total
1. Dhading, Baireni 294 280 141 53 768
2. Sarlahi, Nawalpur 764 468 48 289 1569
3. Patan, Lagankhel 4240 2768 258 273 7539
4. Dang, Tulsipur 294 473 152 534 2462
5. Okhaldhunga 531 410 84 0 1025
6. Dang 1303 473 152 534 2462
Total 8,435 4,872 835 1683 15,825
Percentage 53.3 30.9 5.3 10.6
Source: From various recruitment centres of NA.
Application for recruitment of S. No. 50 Officer Cadet (to be commissioned as 2/Lt after training) was called by Recruitment Selection Directorate in Army HQ by November 2007/08. Total of 4,993 male youths from all five development regions and 75 districts applied for the post. Status of representation from various castes / ethnic groups and region are shown on table below:
Table: Aspirants for Officer Cadet on Casts / Ethnic and Regional Basis
S.No Development Regions Brahmin
Chhetri Janajati, Indigenous
Community Dalits Madhesi
Tharu Total %
1. Eastern 411 168 9 14 602 12.05
2. Central 2056 701 56 35 2848 57.03
3. Western 651 197 28 10 886 17.75
4. Mid Western 286 37 14 14 351 7.02
5. Far Western 279 21 3 3 306 6.15
Total Applicants 3683 1124 110 76 4993
Percentage 73.8 22.5 2.7 1.5
Source: AG Dept (Recruitment Selection), Nepalese Army HQ.
Out of 4993 aspirants for the post of Officer Cadet (2/Lt) 3,683 (73.76%) applicants belong to Brahmin / Chhetri community, 1,124 (22.51%) belong to Janajati / Indigenous community, 110 (2.7 %) belong to Dalit community, and 76 (1.5 %) belong to Madhesi community. From the perspective of geographical representation, more than 50% applicants come from Central Development Region. From Far Western Development Region about 7% aspirants registered their name. A balanced education policy is needed to increase probability of proportional representation to all ethnic groups and regions since all the candidate have the equal probability of being selected as per the recruitment policy of Government of Nepal and Nepal army.
TAble: Comparative Result of IQ and Written Exams for Officer Cadet
S.No Brahmin, Chhetri Janajati/Indigenous Community Dalits Madhesi, Tharu Total
1. Number of Applicants 3683 1124 110 96 4993
Percentage 73.8 22.5 2.7 1.5
2. Passed in IQ Test 1267 327 19 16 1629
Percentage 77.77 20.07 1.16 0.98
3. Passed in Written Exams 312 46 5 2 365
Percentage 85.47 12.60 1.36 0.54
Source: AG Dept (Recruit Selection).
Applicants for Officer cadets undergo various exams before they finally get selected. Generally, it is found that bulk of the applicants normally fail in the written tests. The table above depicts that success ratio of Brahmin and Clhetris community in written tests are relatively higher i.e., 85.47 percent. Whereas success rate of Madhesis, Tharus, Dalits and Janajati communities are quite less with 0.54, 1.36 and 12.60 percent respectively. The latter three communities are relatively weaker in written reflects the weakness of education system in those regions where these community reside.
In Nepal different castes and ethnic groups have different motivation for their employment. Furthermore, the major obstacle for inclusiveness arise from the interest of the ethnic group also as for example more members of Madeshi community prefer to join Nepal police rather than Nepal Army.
7. Factors Influencing the Democratization of Nepal Army
Therefore during the process of democratization of security forces apart from the above mention necessary factors there are various other hurdles that play their role in the democratization of Nepal Army can be listed in the following points.
a. Current Infrastructure
At the time of monarchy the palace had direct control over the Nepal Army. It had an institution called Principal Military Secretariat through which the security forces were managed. The ministry of defence was very small and managed by the non-professionals. Invariably, the Prime minister himself headed it. After the Jana-andolan of 1989, the constitutional monarchical system was established. Thereafter National Security Council (NSC) was introduced whose president was the PM and the members were the Defence, Home and Finance ministers. Nepal Army, Armed Police, Nepal Police and National Investigation Department officials filled the NSC secretariat. Even after the establishment federal republic, the secretariat is under the civilian control but the working procedure had not changed much from that of monarchical system. The civilian leadership showed reluctance to bring much change in the entire management system of the Armed Forces especially in the Nepal Army. And lack of proper coordination between the civilian leadership and the army leadership is the major hurdle in its democratization.
b. Anti-Maoist Notion
During the period of insurgency the Nepal Army was boosted with the anti-maoist notion. But the situation of insurgency and the present transition to peace is different. After the CA election the rebellion has become the largest party among all and this position of the former alleged enemies might be the headache for the Nepal army which were trained to be anti-maoist. Further, the issue raised by the Maoist led government about the civilian supremacy versus military supremacy has heightened the anti-maoist notion of the NA. There are several schools of thought in the anti-Maoist notion. Better performance in some of the field by Former government led by Maoist was headache for the infamous leaders which further imparted the anti-maoist notion. People centric work by the government means their political carriers would be doomed. The Maoists shall impose an authoritarian regime, controlling the big house media, judiciary, and Nepal Army. The infamous leaders have fears that they shall be punished on charges of corruption if the government prevails in the country. These notions compelled them to get behind the NA and prop it up as a shield.
c. Classical Group
Among various forces in this diverse community there may be several semi-feudal, semi-imperial, and semi-colonial forces have had fertile time to advance their vested interest in the security forces especially the Nepal Army which is the stable and static power of the country. These forces are against inclusive democracy, people’s livelihood, freedom, and free-market economy. Destabilizing the state means grasping the opportunity to continue their extended privileges as in the past. These groups are seeking their own benefits by taking advantage of the internal conflicts in the Maoists party and even between two parties of the peace process and Nepal Army.
d. International Community
From India's point of view it understands that if Nepal were out of control, it would eventually affect the security system of India. India tends to minimize the role of Pakistani fundamentalists as a coping strategy for the communist problems in its home territory. Many European communities are trying to take the middle path by saying that the dispute is an internal matter and Nepal is to be a sovereign and independent country with full integrity. Due to the protracted history of the USA being against communist regimes, it wants to crush communist ideology using all available means. Owing to geo-political interest (as Nepal is in between India and China), the USA seeks a greater role in destabilizing Nepal’s regime for its hegemonic encroachment in both the emerging super powers of the modern world. A tiny minority of nations have an interest in preserving a colonial legacy in Nepal. Such forces are formally and informally supporting militarily supremacy. Furthermore, China is even in favour of the well established and static power in Nepal for its internal security. Therefore, the diverse interest of the international community has created a hurdle in democratization of NA despite the will of civilians.
e. Civil Society
The members in the civil society represent from different thoughts and even from different political background in the past. There are several divisive thoughts spreading through civil society. Furthermore, those members who are empowered by the donor communities obviously tend to work as spokespersons for their donor. Those who are seeking power are segregated under the umbrella of political parties. A very few are working independently for the sake of people, nation, democracy, and nationalism but they are in minority and are voiceless. The selfish interest groups are now happy to please their lords by informally supporting or undermining the army as per their interest in the fragile transition of Nepal politics.
f. Political Parties
The mainstream political parties (old parliamentarian parties), after the establishment of republic state and the Constituent Assembly election, are feeling themselves handicapped due to the position of UCPN Maoist in the CA. They are seeking assistance from the Nepal Army to compete with UCPN Maoist. This prevailing condition supports the NA to follow the previous classical trends of monarchy and is hindering in the path of democratization within the organization. To plead the Nepal Army they political parties are skiping and hiding the abuse by the army personnel. As for example, the defence minister Bidya Bhandari was constantly lobbing for the promotion of army general Toran Jung Bahadur Singh to Lieutenant General despite of the fact that he was accused of human right abuse by OHCHR. The similar case was with Major Niranjan Basnet who was accused of the murder of Maina Sunuwar in Kavre District. Furthermore, these political parties are actively involved in boosting the anti maoist notion to the organization. The willingness of the political parties, to handle the Nepal Army as per their interest as the monarch used to, is the major obstacle towards the democratization of Nepal Army.
8. Conclusion
Since from the establishment of the Nepal Army, it has been trained as the army of the royal family and not for the civilians. This notion still prevails within the organization. The internal structure of the Nepal army is similar to that of the British and Indian army module despite of its different geopolitical condition. Thus, there is a need for reform within in organization.
The preliminary step in reform is the democratization of NA by: its allegiance to constitution and state institution, legalizing disobedience to illegal and abusive orders, establishing well defined criteria for appointment of top security personal, maintaining internal order and political neutrality, imparting professionalism, civic education, civilian control and institutionalization of civil-security relation.
The restructuring and resizing of Nepal Army is essential as per the geopolitical condition, and available resources and responsibility. Imparting inclusiveness as per the constitutional provision and comprehensive peace agreement is one of the most essential factors for security sector reform. The balanced educational policy throughout the country for imparting professionalism along with inclusiveness is needed as the statistics of the recruitment process shows the default in education system among the ethnic groups on regional basis. Furthermore, the willingness of members of different ethnic groups towards diverse profession also creates difficulties in inclusiveness.
Though many steps towards the reform of NA have been taken in terms of inclusiveness, restructuring and democratization, the pace could not cope with the present need of democracy and civilian supremacy. The obstacles towards democratization such as anti-maoist notion, classical group, international community, civil society and political parties, need to be overcome by the independent team of experts for formulating the plans and policies for the reforming of NA.
9. References
• The interim constitution of Nepal, 2063 (2007).
• Josse M.R. Nepal's strategic balancing, South Asian Journal January to March 2004.
• Chandrasekharan S. 2006 NEPAL: Historic Peace Agreement Signed- but some problems continue-South Asian Analysis group.
• Acharya N. 2066 Nepali Sena Nepali surakchya chhetra: ek sangraha (ed)Bishnu Sapkota p 149-168.
• Yogi Narahari Nath and Babu Ram Acharya (eds.), (1978) 'Rastrapita Shri Panch Bada Maharaj Prithivinarayan Shah ko Divyopadesh', in Nepali Politics: Retrospect and Prospect Oxford University Press, p. 104.
• Born et al, 2003, Parliamentary oversight of the security sector, Principles, mechanisms and practices, Geneva Centre for the democratic control of armed forces.
• www.huntalternatives.org/download/46_security_sector_reform.pdf
• www.nepaldemocracy.org/civic.../Civil-Military%20relations.pdf
• www.fesnepal.org/.../Article%20of%20Lt.%20Gen%20Balananda%20Sharma.pdf
• www.internationalpeaceandconflict.org/.../DrBishnuRajUpreti?xg
• www.idrc.ca/uploads/user-S/11302485721reriefqimuna.doc
• www.nccr-nepal.org/publications.html
• www.mlmrsg.com/.../057_Nepal--our%20position-complete.pdf
• globalindiafoundation.org/Security_Options_of_Nepal%5B1%5D.doc
• nepalresearch.org/coup_2005/papers/shobhakar_060516.pdf
• www.internationalpeaceandconflict.org/.../DrBishnuRajUpreti?xg...
• http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nepalese_Army
शान्ति र संविधान कै नाममा
तोकिएको अवधि दुई वर्ष पार गरेर पनि संविधान संशोधन गरी थपिएको एक वर्षको पहिलो महिनामा शान्ति र संविधान सवैभन्दा वढी जप्ने मन्त्र वन्यो तर शान्ति र संविधानका वारेमा कहि कतै पनि देखिने उपलव्धी भएका छैनन् । म्याद थपिए पछि पनि यस्तै हुन्छ भनेको भए सायदै मानिसहरु म्याद थप्ने पक्षमा उभिन्थे होलान् । जव संविधान वनाउने काम आरम्भ मात्रै के भएको थियो ठूला ठूला अक्षरमा लेखियो ठूला स्वरमा वोलियो खवरदार दुई वर्ष भित्र संविधान वनेन भने ६०१ जनालाई वाधेर लडाईन्छ म्याद थपेर आफनो आयु लम्व्याउने धृष्टता नगर । तर जव म्याद सकिनै आटयो । ती आवाज र अक्षर फेरिए खवरदार संविधानसभा मार्न पाईदैन म्याद थपेर भए पनि यसलाई वचाउन पर्छ । आखिर राति वाह्र वजे भए पनि म्याद थपियेा छोटो वाटो अवलम्वन गरेर संविधान संशोधन गरियो । संविधानसभाको वच्यो त्यतिवेलाको माहौल सभासदले आफनो जागिर लम्व्याउ कसैले भनेन संविधानसभा वचेकोमा वचाउन योगदान गरेकोमा आफुलाई धन्य संझिए ।
आज म्याद थप गरेको एक महिना पूरै वित्यो संविधान सभाको वैठक त वसेकै छैन संविधान लेखनका नाममा सिन्को पनि भाचिएको छैन । हिजो संविधानसभा भित्र र वाहिर यत्र तत्र सर्वत्र संविधानसभा कुनैपनि हालतमा वचाउन पर्छ नत्र खवरदार भन्ने आवाजहरु कतै सुन्न पाईदैन ती आवाजहरुले विश्राम लिएका छन् । म्याद थपिनेहरु किन थपिएको होला वुझन पनि सकिरहेको स्थिति छैन ।
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप नगरेर राजनैतिक शून्यता सिर्जना गरिदिने माओवादीले प्राप्त गरेको चालिस प्रतिशतको दम्भ र वैधतालाई तोडिदिने ख्यालख्यालको हैन साच्चैको कठपुतली सरकार वनाएर देखाई दिने राष्ट्रपतिलाई विस्तारै श्रीपेच ओडाएर ज्ञानेन्द्रको ठाउमा ह्दयन्द्र वनाईदिने र उमेर वढदै जादा आफना उमेर वावु ज्ञानेन्द्रले गरेको जस्तै पौरख गराउने खेल अनायाशै ध्वस्त भयो । संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्नुको सर्वाधिक राजनैतिक उपलव्धी यो भने पक्कै हो ।
संसारकै नमूनालायक समावेशी संविधानसभा सभासदहरुकालागि पनि अर्को पटक त सकिन्न भन्ने निष्कर्षमा पुगेका वखत म्याद नथपिए चुनावको लागनी राम्ररी स्वाद फेर्नै नपाई सकिने भो हुदा हुदा सभासद भएका नाताले श्रीमानहरु श्रीमानका वावा आमा काका काकी भान्जा भान्जी भान्ज्ाीका देवरहरु सवैलाई राजधानीमा ल्याईएको थियो वच्चा वच्ची वोर्डिडमा पढाइएको थियो त्यो सवै दुई दिनको रामछाया हुने भो भन्ने ठूलो पिर थियो अुझै जेष्ठ महिनाको पारिश्रमिक नपाइएका कारणले डेरा भाडा पनि श्रृणमा थियो अव श्रृणको भारी वोक्न नपर्ने भयो । व्यक्तिगत पाुईदा यो भएको छ संविधानसभाको म्याद थपेर यो पनि अर्को पक्कै हो ।
अर्को पनि के साचो हो भने जेष्ठ चौध गते राति म्याद नथपिएको भए भोलिपल्ट संकटकाल त हैन कफर्यू लगाउने तयारी थियो देश अलिकति अशान्त तर्फ अलिकति निरंकुशता तर्फ जाने पक्कै थियो जननिर्वाचित संस्था नहुदाको पिडा मुलुकले शाही कालमा नै भोगेको थियो त्यसैलाई ल्फयासव्यक मात्रै गरे पनि हुन्छ अरु गर्न पर्दैन यसवाट भने जोगिएको छ ।
देश र जनताकालागि शान्ति र संविधानकालागि मानिसहरुले उपलव्धी खै भन्यो भने हामीले देखाउन लायक कुनै पनि चिज देख्न सक्दैनौ यो भने विडम्वना नै हो ।
मुलुक अझै पनि दुर्घटनावाट वचेको छैन । दुर्घटना पछि सारिएको मात्रै छ । माथि उल्लेख गरिएका घटनाहरुको लागि तयारी नपुगेका कारणले मानिसहरु संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्न वाध्य भएका पनि उदाहरणहरु छन् जननिर्वाचित संस्थाहरु सिध्याईदिएर अर्को निरंकुशता हुर्काउनकालागि ती संस्था र पात्रहरु तयार नभैसकेका कारणले पनि यो म्याद वढाइएको हुनसक्छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउनेहरुलाई साचो वा झूठो भविश्यले नै प्रमाणित गर्नेछ अहिले नै यो भन्दा वढी लेख्नु समय अघि हुनेछ ।
यतिवेला उठाउनै पर्ने कुरा के हो भने संविधान सभाको चुनाव किन भएको थियो । संविधानसभाको गठन किन भएको थियो । यसको कार्यकाल किन वढाईएको थियो म्याद वढाएर संविधानसभा वचाउनुपर्छ किन भनिएको थियो यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर आम नेपाली जनताले खोजेका छन् र पछि सम्म खोजिरहनेछन् । तर यसको जवाफ यति नै वेला संविधान लेख्न खटिएका ६०१ मध्यकै म्याद वढाउने खेलमा सहभागि नभएका सभासदहरुलाई भने तुरुन्तै चाहिएको छ । कि यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर दिन सक्नुपर्छ र अन्यथा उद्देश्य भएको कुरा पुष्टि गर्नुपर्छ कि संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई तदारुकताकासाथ अघि वढाएर निष्कर्षमा पुरयाउनुपर्छ यी दुई मध्य एक कुरा दिनकालागि नेताहरुले क्षमता देखाउनै पर्छ । शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा यो यस पुस्ताका नेताहरुले क्षमता प्रदर्शन गर्ने उपयुक्त वेला हो ।
अन्तमा कुरा वर्गहरुको नै हो वर्ग स्वार्थको नै हो कुन वर्गले राज्य चलाउने कसका विरुद्ध अधिनायकत्व थोपर्ने भन्ने नै यतिवेलाको मुख्य प्रश्न हो । सामन्तवादका सवै रुपहरुको अन्त गर्ने राज्यको दायित्व हामीहरुकै वाचा कवोल हो । यतिवेला सामन्तवादको नाईके ढले पनि यसका अन्य रुपहरु र अवशेषरुले टाउको उठाउन खोजेकै कारण मुलुक यो अलमलमा छ । शान्ति र संविधान सामन्तवादका विरुद्धमा कि सामन्तवादका पक्षमा सामन्तवादसंग गठजोड गरेर कि त्यो संग संझौताहिन संघर्ष गरेर यतिवेलाको अहं प्रश्न यही हो । वर्ग रहेसम्म वर्ग संघर्ष जारी रहन्छ यो सार्वभौम नियम ाहो तर संघर्ष कसका विरुद्ध गर्ने निशाना कहा सोझयाउने प्रष्ट हुन जरुरी छ निशाना को किटानी गर्दा एक आध घटना प्रभावित भएर हैन व्यक्तिगत लाभ वा हानिलाई आधार मानेर हैन देश र जनतालाई साक्षी राखेर र वर्ग प्रति ईमान्दार भएर गर्न जरुरी छ । सामन्तवाद मुख्य शत्रु हो र यसलाई भरथेग गर्ने आन्तरिक र वाहय शक्तिहरुको पहिचान सहितको यथार्थपरक आकलनवाट मात्रै नया रणनीति र कायनीतिको विकास गर्न सकिन्छ र सक्नु पर्छ । यदि ०६२ ।०६३को जनआन्दोलन सामन्तवादका विरुद्धको लडाई थियो भने जनयुद्ध लडेको पार्टीले मात्रै हैन जनयुद्ध नलडेको पार्टीले पनि गंभिर भएर सोच्न जरुरी छ । यो गहिराईमा नसोची शान्ति र संविधान सार्थक हुदैन । शान्ति र संविधानको मुख्य वाधक को हो जो नेपाल र नेपाली जनताको उन्नति र प्रगतिको वाधक वनेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानलाई देश र जनताको मुक्तिभन्दा भिन्न राखेर हेर्न सकिन्न हेर्न पनि हुदैन । राजनीति कार्यदिशा स्पष्ट पारौं यतिवेलाको मुख्य कार्यभार यही हो ।
आज म्याद थप गरेको एक महिना पूरै वित्यो संविधान सभाको वैठक त वसेकै छैन संविधान लेखनका नाममा सिन्को पनि भाचिएको छैन । हिजो संविधानसभा भित्र र वाहिर यत्र तत्र सर्वत्र संविधानसभा कुनैपनि हालतमा वचाउन पर्छ नत्र खवरदार भन्ने आवाजहरु कतै सुन्न पाईदैन ती आवाजहरुले विश्राम लिएका छन् । म्याद थपिनेहरु किन थपिएको होला वुझन पनि सकिरहेको स्थिति छैन ।
संविधानसभाको म्याद थप नगरेर राजनैतिक शून्यता सिर्जना गरिदिने माओवादीले प्राप्त गरेको चालिस प्रतिशतको दम्भ र वैधतालाई तोडिदिने ख्यालख्यालको हैन साच्चैको कठपुतली सरकार वनाएर देखाई दिने राष्ट्रपतिलाई विस्तारै श्रीपेच ओडाएर ज्ञानेन्द्रको ठाउमा ह्दयन्द्र वनाईदिने र उमेर वढदै जादा आफना उमेर वावु ज्ञानेन्द्रले गरेको जस्तै पौरख गराउने खेल अनायाशै ध्वस्त भयो । संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्नुको सर्वाधिक राजनैतिक उपलव्धी यो भने पक्कै हो ।
संसारकै नमूनालायक समावेशी संविधानसभा सभासदहरुकालागि पनि अर्को पटक त सकिन्न भन्ने निष्कर्षमा पुगेका वखत म्याद नथपिए चुनावको लागनी राम्ररी स्वाद फेर्नै नपाई सकिने भो हुदा हुदा सभासद भएका नाताले श्रीमानहरु श्रीमानका वावा आमा काका काकी भान्जा भान्जी भान्ज्ाीका देवरहरु सवैलाई राजधानीमा ल्याईएको थियो वच्चा वच्ची वोर्डिडमा पढाइएको थियो त्यो सवै दुई दिनको रामछाया हुने भो भन्ने ठूलो पिर थियो अुझै जेष्ठ महिनाको पारिश्रमिक नपाइएका कारणले डेरा भाडा पनि श्रृणमा थियो अव श्रृणको भारी वोक्न नपर्ने भयो । व्यक्तिगत पाुईदा यो भएको छ संविधानसभाको म्याद थपेर यो पनि अर्को पक्कै हो ।
अर्को पनि के साचो हो भने जेष्ठ चौध गते राति म्याद नथपिएको भए भोलिपल्ट संकटकाल त हैन कफर्यू लगाउने तयारी थियो देश अलिकति अशान्त तर्फ अलिकति निरंकुशता तर्फ जाने पक्कै थियो जननिर्वाचित संस्था नहुदाको पिडा मुलुकले शाही कालमा नै भोगेको थियो त्यसैलाई ल्फयासव्यक मात्रै गरे पनि हुन्छ अरु गर्न पर्दैन यसवाट भने जोगिएको छ ।
देश र जनताकालागि शान्ति र संविधानकालागि मानिसहरुले उपलव्धी खै भन्यो भने हामीले देखाउन लायक कुनै पनि चिज देख्न सक्दैनौ यो भने विडम्वना नै हो ।
मुलुक अझै पनि दुर्घटनावाट वचेको छैन । दुर्घटना पछि सारिएको मात्रै छ । माथि उल्लेख गरिएका घटनाहरुको लागि तयारी नपुगेका कारणले मानिसहरु संविधानसभाको म्याद थप्न वाध्य भएका पनि उदाहरणहरु छन् जननिर्वाचित संस्थाहरु सिध्याईदिएर अर्को निरंकुशता हुर्काउनकालागि ती संस्था र पात्रहरु तयार नभैसकेका कारणले पनि यो म्याद वढाइएको हुनसक्छ भनेर अनुमान लगाउनेहरुलाई साचो वा झूठो भविश्यले नै प्रमाणित गर्नेछ अहिले नै यो भन्दा वढी लेख्नु समय अघि हुनेछ ।
यतिवेला उठाउनै पर्ने कुरा के हो भने संविधान सभाको चुनाव किन भएको थियो । संविधानसभाको गठन किन भएको थियो । यसको कार्यकाल किन वढाईएको थियो म्याद वढाएर संविधानसभा वचाउनुपर्छ किन भनिएको थियो यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर आम नेपाली जनताले खोजेका छन् र पछि सम्म खोजिरहनेछन् । तर यसको जवाफ यति नै वेला संविधान लेख्न खटिएका ६०१ मध्यकै म्याद वढाउने खेलमा सहभागि नभएका सभासदहरुलाई भने तुरुन्तै चाहिएको छ । कि यी प्रश्नहरुको उत्तर दिन सक्नुपर्छ र अन्यथा उद्देश्य भएको कुरा पुष्टि गर्नुपर्छ कि संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई तदारुकताकासाथ अघि वढाएर निष्कर्षमा पुरयाउनुपर्छ यी दुई मध्य एक कुरा दिनकालागि नेताहरुले क्षमता देखाउनै पर्छ । शान्ति र संविधानका नाममा यो यस पुस्ताका नेताहरुले क्षमता प्रदर्शन गर्ने उपयुक्त वेला हो ।
अन्तमा कुरा वर्गहरुको नै हो वर्ग स्वार्थको नै हो कुन वर्गले राज्य चलाउने कसका विरुद्ध अधिनायकत्व थोपर्ने भन्ने नै यतिवेलाको मुख्य प्रश्न हो । सामन्तवादका सवै रुपहरुको अन्त गर्ने राज्यको दायित्व हामीहरुकै वाचा कवोल हो । यतिवेला सामन्तवादको नाईके ढले पनि यसका अन्य रुपहरु र अवशेषरुले टाउको उठाउन खोजेकै कारण मुलुक यो अलमलमा छ । शान्ति र संविधान सामन्तवादका विरुद्धमा कि सामन्तवादका पक्षमा सामन्तवादसंग गठजोड गरेर कि त्यो संग संझौताहिन संघर्ष गरेर यतिवेलाको अहं प्रश्न यही हो । वर्ग रहेसम्म वर्ग संघर्ष जारी रहन्छ यो सार्वभौम नियम ाहो तर संघर्ष कसका विरुद्ध गर्ने निशाना कहा सोझयाउने प्रष्ट हुन जरुरी छ निशाना को किटानी गर्दा एक आध घटना प्रभावित भएर हैन व्यक्तिगत लाभ वा हानिलाई आधार मानेर हैन देश र जनतालाई साक्षी राखेर र वर्ग प्रति ईमान्दार भएर गर्न जरुरी छ । सामन्तवाद मुख्य शत्रु हो र यसलाई भरथेग गर्ने आन्तरिक र वाहय शक्तिहरुको पहिचान सहितको यथार्थपरक आकलनवाट मात्रै नया रणनीति र कायनीतिको विकास गर्न सकिन्छ र सक्नु पर्छ । यदि ०६२ ।०६३को जनआन्दोलन सामन्तवादका विरुद्धको लडाई थियो भने जनयुद्ध लडेको पार्टीले मात्रै हैन जनयुद्ध नलडेको पार्टीले पनि गंभिर भएर सोच्न जरुरी छ । यो गहिराईमा नसोची शान्ति र संविधान सार्थक हुदैन । शान्ति र संविधानको मुख्य वाधक को हो जो नेपाल र नेपाली जनताको उन्नति र प्रगतिको वाधक वनेको छ । शान्ति र संविधानलाई देश र जनताको मुक्तिभन्दा भिन्न राखेर हेर्न सकिन्न हेर्न पनि हुदैन । राजनीति कार्यदिशा स्पष्ट पारौं यतिवेलाको मुख्य कार्यभार यही हो ।
अहिलेको राजनीति जेष्ठ १४ र जनताका कुरा
संविधान सभाको म्याद अव दुई महिना पनि वाकी छैन । संविधान निर्माण गर्नकालागि तोकिएको कार्यतालिका दश पटक संशोधन भइृसक्यो अव संशोधन गर्ने ठाउ पनि छैन र आवश्यक पनि छैन । संविधान सभामा एघार वटै समितिको प्रतिवेदन प्रस्तुत भयो अवधारणा सहितको प्रारम्भिक मस्यौदाले अन्तिम रुप पनि प्राप्त गरयो तर ती प्रतिवेदनहरु अधिकांशतः वहुमतमा आधारित थिए भने भने कतिपय वहुमत पनि प्राप्त गर्न नसकेर वेवारिसे जस्ता वनेका थिए । दुई वर्षको अथक मेहनत पछि पनि चुचे ढुंगो उही टुंगो भने झै दुई वर्ष अघिको वहस र ववादको स्थानवाट एक ईन्च पनि माथि नउठी कन एक डिका पनि तलमाथि नगरीकन प्रतिवेदन सभामा आयो जसले दुई तिहाईवाट संविधान वन्ने कुरा जटिल छ भन्ने कुरा पुनरपुष्टि गरिदियो । वहुमतको सरकार दुई तिहाईको संविधान दुवै एक अर्कामा मिल्दै ल्दिैनथे । त्यसैकारण पहिला सरकार र संविधान दुवै दुईतिहाई वनाईएको थियो । पछि संविधानसभाको चुनाव पछि संविधान संशोधन गरी वहुमतको सरकार र दुईतिहाईको संविधान वन्न पुगे यसका साथसाथै संविधान सभा र संसद पनि भिन्ना भिन्नै हुन पुगे । मानिस तिनै स्थान तिनै हुदा हुदै पनि दुई थरी प्रकृयाका कारणले संस्था अलग हुन पुगे र एकले अर्कालाई प्रभावित पनि पार्न थाले सो प्रभाव सकारात्मक भएन नकारात्मक वन्न पुग्यो । यसैको परिणाम यतिवेला देखा परेको छ ।
संविधानसभाको सभवैभन्दा ठूलो दल माओवादी भएका कारणले चुनाव लगत्तै माओवादीको नेतृत्वमा सरकार वनाउनुको विकल्प थिएन । यसो हुदा हुदै पनि चार महिना जति धिडन्न्यायई गरियो जसले लामो समयदेखिको सहमतिको राजनीतिमा धमिरा लाग्न थाल्यो भने संगसंगै संसदीय मान्यताको वचेखुचेको साख पनि पूरै समाप्त भयो परिणामतः नेपाली राजनीतिमा मूल्यको राजनीतिको आरम्भ मात्रै हुन के लागेको थियो त्यसमाथि तुषारापात नै भयो ।
जेनतेन अव थेग्न नसकिने भयो भनेर सरकार वनाउनसम्म त माओवादीलाई दिईयो तर पूरै मूल्य र मान्यतामाथि संझौता गरेर अर्थात १२ वुदे सहमति देखिको सहमतिको राजनीतिलाई तिलान्जली दिएर फेरि वहुमतिय फोहरी खेलमा फर्केर र माओवादीलाई अनावश्यक सहमतिमा हस्ताक्षर गराएर र मधेशवादीदलहरुलाई समेटने नाममा अनावश्यक आश्वासन वाडेर र माओवादी कै पनि आफनो पूरै तयारीका साथ हैन घिसेपिटेकासाथ सरकार चलाउने अवस्थामा अन्तरिम संविधानको संशोधन गरेर नया सरकारको गठन गरियो । जेहोस देशले नया सरकार पायो त्यो पनि दश वर्ष जनयुद्ध लडेर खारिएको माओवादी क्रान्तिकारीको नेतृत्वको संयुक्त सरकार ।
सरकार गठनकै दिनदेखि त्यो सरकार ढाल्ने खेलको पनि आरम्भ भएको थियो जुन कुरा सरकारमा वसेकाहरुलाई पत्तै भएन वरु सरकार भित्र र वाहिरको मतभेद पार्टीभित्र देखिन पुग्यो । नेपाली जनताको आशाको केन्द्रका रुपमा भर्खर मात्रै प्राप्त सरकारको नेतृत्वको अवसरलाई नेपाली जनताको जीवस्तर उकास्त जुन ढंगको मेहनतका साथ योजना वनाउने र सोको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने काम गर्नु पथ्र्यो सो काम त्यही स्तरमा हुन सकेन मुख्यतः त्यसो हुन सक्ने वातावरण नै वनाईएन । उल्टै सरकार भित्रै र पार्टीभित्रै प्रतिपक्षको भूमिका वेलावखतमा देखा पर्न थाले र सरकारको प्रभावकारितामा अपेक्षाकृत सहयोग पुग्न सकेन । परिणामतः जनताका अपेक्षा पूरा गर्न सक्ने वातावरण तयार हुन सकेन भन्ने नाममा राजिनामा र सरकारवाट वहिर्गमनको अवस्था आई परयो । सरकारवाट वाहिर निस्के पछि या त जिम्मेवार प्रतिपक्षको भूमिकामा आफूलाई केन्द्रित गरेर आफूलाई वैकल्पिक सरकारका रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्ने या त संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई सर्वाधिक महत्व दिएर त्यसतर्फ केन्द्रित हुने काम गर्नु पथ्यो सो दुवै नभएर सदन लगातार पाच महिना अवरुद्ध गरेर सभासदहरु वेारोजगार हुने अवस्था अर्कातिर संविधान वनाउने दिशामा पनि घनिभूतमा लाग्ने त कुरै छाडौ वैठकमा उपस्थित हुने पनि समस्या रह्यो तव मानिसहरुलाई आशंका हुन थाल्यो कि माओवादी के चाहन्छ । संविधान पनि हैन सरकार पनि हैन विद्रोहको पनि तयारी छैन कार्यकर्ता र जनताको पक्ति त्यो अवस्थामा रहन वाध्य भयो ।
नेातृत्व पक्तिको दुर दृष्टिको कमि ईच्छाशक्तिको कमि अनुभवको कमि वा अकर्मण्यता जेसुकै भनिए पनि वा रहे पनि जनतामा नागरिक सर्वोच्चताकालागि राष्ट्रपतिको असंवैधानिक कदम सच्याउन पर्ने सो कदम वैदेशिक हस्तक्षेपको चरम नमूना भएका कारणले राष्ट्रिय स्वाधिनताकालागि निर्णायक आन्दोलन गर्नुपर्ने जस्ता विषय उठान गरी शान्ति र संविधानकोृ वातावरण तयार गर्ने कुराले आशाको संचार भैरहयो । जनता र कार्यकर्ताको पक्तिमा उत्साह र लहर आईराख्यो भने असंवैधानिक कदमका जगामा वनेको कठपुतली सरकारले थप प्रतिगामी कदम चालिहाल्न कठिन भयो । प्रतिक्रान्तिको उसको योजना पनि त्यही थाति रहयो । जनतामा आन्दोलनको उभार सिर्जना गर्न सकियो । अग्रगामि रुपान्तरणकालागि जुनसुकै वेला पनि तयार रहन जनतालाई तम्तयार राख्न सकियो ।
यसै वीचमा संविधानसभाको दुई वर्ष वित्न अव दुई महिना पनि वांकी छैन । जनताले जेष्ठ १४को दिन कुरेर वसेका छन् जेष्ठ १५ गणतन्त्र घोषणा गरेको दिन हो गणतन्त्र दिवस मनाउन पनि जनता तयार भएर वसेका हुन्छन् । यदि निर्धारित मितिमा संविधान वनाउन सकिएन भने गणतन्त्र दिवस विरोध दिवसमा परिणत हुने खतरा छ त्यसो हुन पनि दिन हुदेन तर संविधानमा निर्धारित गरे अनुसार नै संविधान नआउन हो भने त्यसको प्रतिकृया अवश्य पनि जनताले आफना काम कारवाहीवाटै दिने छन् त्यो पनि चानेचुने कुरा होईन । यो अन्यौलवाट गुज्रेकै वखत तिन दलका नेताहरुले जेष्ठ १४ मै संविधान भनेर हस्ताक्षर गरेको वक्तव्य पनि आयो तर त्यही वक्तव्य गलपासो नहोस भन्ने कुरा पनि यतिवेला हेक्का राख्न जरुरी छ र जनतालाई थप निराशा वनाउने र दलहरुप्रतिको अविश्वासको अर्को आधार पनि नवनोस भन्ने तर्फ ख्याल गर्न जरुरी छ ।
यतिवेला संविधानसभाका एघारवटै समितिले आफनो प्रारम्भिक मस्यौदा सहितको अवधारणा पत्र तयार गरीकन संविधानसभामा वुझाएको अवस्थामा संविधान निर्माणको कामको लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सम्पनन भैसकेको छ वाकी वीस प्रतिशत काम सम्पन्न गर्न वाकी अवधि काफी छ कि छैन त्यो भने हेर्न वांकी छ वाकी रहेको काम निकै चुनौतिपूर्ण र जटिल पनि छ त्यसले आवशयक छलफल र वार्ताको माग गर्दछ तर आजसम्म गंभिर वार्तामा वसेको नेपाली जनताले अनुभूत गर्न पाएकै छैनन् । यसखालका गतिविधिले संविधान वनाउन दलहरु संवेदनशिल छन् जिम्मेवार छन् भन्ने कुरा देखाउन सकेको छैन । दलहरु आफना झिना मसिना काम र माग छाडेर संविधान वनाउन लागे भन्ने पनि देखिएको छैन । दलहरु आफना व्यापारकालागि मेची काली कासी गया यूरोप अमेरिका जता पनि पुग्न सक्ने जनताको सरोकारको विषय संविधानकालागि लगातार दुई घण्टा वैठक वस्न नसक्ने अनि कुनै पनि विवादास्पद विषयको टुगो नलगाउने यस्ता काम गरेर जनतामा निराशा छाउन दिन हुदैन भन्ने नै मुख्य करा हो ।
अव दलहरुले गर्नै पर्ने कुराका वारेमा ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।
१ पहिलो कुरा संविधान लेख्ने कि नलेख्ने के हो प्रष्ट संग भन्न जरुरी छ संविधान लेख्न मन नलाग्ने तर लेख्दिन नभन्ने कति दिन गर्न सकिन्छ यो प्रश्न किन पनि उठेको छ भने संविधानसभामा कम्युनिष्टहरुको मत दुईतिहाई छ गैर कम्युनिष्टहरु एकतिहाई मात्र छन् । गैर कम्यूनिष्टहरु कम्युनिष्टको हि तगर्ने संविधान किन वनाउने भनेर संविधान नवनाउने मार्ग समात्ने खतरा छ भने कम्यूनिष्ट भित्र पनि माओवादी र गैर माओवादीको अनुपात पनि त्यस्तै छ माओवादीले जस पउने काम किन गर्ने भन्ने धुनमा उनीहरु प्नि छन् तसर्थ यो कुराको छिनोफनो पहिलो शर्त हो ।
२ संविधान वनाउने नै निष्कर्षमा पुगे पछि संविधानसभा अघि जनतामा गरेका प्रतिवद्धता के हुन र जनताले जनयुद्ध जनआन्दोलन र मधेश आन्दोलन मार्फत चाहेको के थियो भन्ने कुरामा सहमत हुनजै पर्छ र भावी संविधानको आधार त्यसैलाई वनाउन सहमत हुन पर्छ ।
३ शान्ति र संविधानको कामको अगुवाई शान्ति र संविधानको मर्म वोकेका नेताहरुवाटै हुनपर्छ जसलाई शान्ति र संविधानसंग कुनै सरोकार नै छैन त्यस्ता नेताहरुले हात हाल्न थाले भने त्यो शान्ति र संविधान वन्दैन अरु नै चिज वन्छ यस तर्फ पनि सचेत हुनै पर्छ ।
४ विवादका विषयहरुलाई राजनैतिक र प्राविधिक छुटयाउन जरुरी छ । राजनैतिक विषयलाई राजनैतिक तवरले र प्राविधिक विषयाई प्राविधिक हिसावले नै टुगो लगाउन पर्छ । समस्या राजनैतिक विषयको हल प्राविधिक वाट र प्राधिक कुराको हल राजनीतिवाट खोज्न खोज्दा परेको छ । त्यसलाई सुल्टाउन जरुरी छ यतिवेला उल्टो तरिका अपनाईएको छ ।
५ समय छोटो छ काम गर्ने शैली ढिलाढाला छ यी दुइ विचको तालमेल पटक्के मिलेको छैन । यदि निर्धारित समयभित्रै संविधान वनाउने कुरा साचो हो भने लगातार वैठक वस्नु पर्छ हप्तावारी वैठकले निर्धारित समयमा संविधान ल्याउन मद तगर्दैन ।
६ जनताको भावना लिएर मात्रै सहमति संझौता जे गर्नु पर्ने हो सो गर्न जरुरी छ जनतलाई विस्रने आफूलाई शिर्ष नेता ठान्ने आफनै उचाई नाप्न नसक्ने प्रवृत्तिले समस्याको निकास दिदैन । तयसतर्फ सचेत हुन जरुरी छ ।
जेाहोस संविधानसभा संविधान वनाउन वनेको हो यसको अर्को मुख्य काम छैन । यसलाई संविधान वनाउने काममा सदुपयोग गर्नुकासटटा अन्यत्र प्रयोग गर्न थालियो भने त्यसको परणाम गंभिर हुनसक्नेछ भन्ने तर्फ सवैले हेक्का राख्न जरुरी छ । गणतन्त्र संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता नया संविधानका प्रस्थानविन्दु हुन भने आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण सहितको नेपाली समाजको समग्र अग्रगामी रुपान्तरण यसको मुल मर्म हो । यसैमा केन्द्रित भएर मात्रै नया संविधान संगै नया नेपाल संभव छ अन्यथा पछुताउनु वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन । हामीले जेष्ठ १४ लाई हेरेका मात्रै छैनौ हामीलाई जेष्ठ १४ले पनि हेरिराखेको छ भन्ने कुरा वुझौ । जनताले भने हामी र जेष्ठ १४ दुवैलाई हेरिराखेको छ ।
संविधानसभाको सभवैभन्दा ठूलो दल माओवादी भएका कारणले चुनाव लगत्तै माओवादीको नेतृत्वमा सरकार वनाउनुको विकल्प थिएन । यसो हुदा हुदै पनि चार महिना जति धिडन्न्यायई गरियो जसले लामो समयदेखिको सहमतिको राजनीतिमा धमिरा लाग्न थाल्यो भने संगसंगै संसदीय मान्यताको वचेखुचेको साख पनि पूरै समाप्त भयो परिणामतः नेपाली राजनीतिमा मूल्यको राजनीतिको आरम्भ मात्रै हुन के लागेको थियो त्यसमाथि तुषारापात नै भयो ।
जेनतेन अव थेग्न नसकिने भयो भनेर सरकार वनाउनसम्म त माओवादीलाई दिईयो तर पूरै मूल्य र मान्यतामाथि संझौता गरेर अर्थात १२ वुदे सहमति देखिको सहमतिको राजनीतिलाई तिलान्जली दिएर फेरि वहुमतिय फोहरी खेलमा फर्केर र माओवादीलाई अनावश्यक सहमतिमा हस्ताक्षर गराएर र मधेशवादीदलहरुलाई समेटने नाममा अनावश्यक आश्वासन वाडेर र माओवादी कै पनि आफनो पूरै तयारीका साथ हैन घिसेपिटेकासाथ सरकार चलाउने अवस्थामा अन्तरिम संविधानको संशोधन गरेर नया सरकारको गठन गरियो । जेहोस देशले नया सरकार पायो त्यो पनि दश वर्ष जनयुद्ध लडेर खारिएको माओवादी क्रान्तिकारीको नेतृत्वको संयुक्त सरकार ।
सरकार गठनकै दिनदेखि त्यो सरकार ढाल्ने खेलको पनि आरम्भ भएको थियो जुन कुरा सरकारमा वसेकाहरुलाई पत्तै भएन वरु सरकार भित्र र वाहिरको मतभेद पार्टीभित्र देखिन पुग्यो । नेपाली जनताको आशाको केन्द्रका रुपमा भर्खर मात्रै प्राप्त सरकारको नेतृत्वको अवसरलाई नेपाली जनताको जीवस्तर उकास्त जुन ढंगको मेहनतका साथ योजना वनाउने र सोको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने काम गर्नु पथ्र्यो सो काम त्यही स्तरमा हुन सकेन मुख्यतः त्यसो हुन सक्ने वातावरण नै वनाईएन । उल्टै सरकार भित्रै र पार्टीभित्रै प्रतिपक्षको भूमिका वेलावखतमा देखा पर्न थाले र सरकारको प्रभावकारितामा अपेक्षाकृत सहयोग पुग्न सकेन । परिणामतः जनताका अपेक्षा पूरा गर्न सक्ने वातावरण तयार हुन सकेन भन्ने नाममा राजिनामा र सरकारवाट वहिर्गमनको अवस्था आई परयो । सरकारवाट वाहिर निस्के पछि या त जिम्मेवार प्रतिपक्षको भूमिकामा आफूलाई केन्द्रित गरेर आफूलाई वैकल्पिक सरकारका रुपमा प्रस्तुत गर्ने या त संविधान निर्माणको कामलाई सर्वाधिक महत्व दिएर त्यसतर्फ केन्द्रित हुने काम गर्नु पथ्यो सो दुवै नभएर सदन लगातार पाच महिना अवरुद्ध गरेर सभासदहरु वेारोजगार हुने अवस्था अर्कातिर संविधान वनाउने दिशामा पनि घनिभूतमा लाग्ने त कुरै छाडौ वैठकमा उपस्थित हुने पनि समस्या रह्यो तव मानिसहरुलाई आशंका हुन थाल्यो कि माओवादी के चाहन्छ । संविधान पनि हैन सरकार पनि हैन विद्रोहको पनि तयारी छैन कार्यकर्ता र जनताको पक्ति त्यो अवस्थामा रहन वाध्य भयो ।
नेातृत्व पक्तिको दुर दृष्टिको कमि ईच्छाशक्तिको कमि अनुभवको कमि वा अकर्मण्यता जेसुकै भनिए पनि वा रहे पनि जनतामा नागरिक सर्वोच्चताकालागि राष्ट्रपतिको असंवैधानिक कदम सच्याउन पर्ने सो कदम वैदेशिक हस्तक्षेपको चरम नमूना भएका कारणले राष्ट्रिय स्वाधिनताकालागि निर्णायक आन्दोलन गर्नुपर्ने जस्ता विषय उठान गरी शान्ति र संविधानकोृ वातावरण तयार गर्ने कुराले आशाको संचार भैरहयो । जनता र कार्यकर्ताको पक्तिमा उत्साह र लहर आईराख्यो भने असंवैधानिक कदमका जगामा वनेको कठपुतली सरकारले थप प्रतिगामी कदम चालिहाल्न कठिन भयो । प्रतिक्रान्तिको उसको योजना पनि त्यही थाति रहयो । जनतामा आन्दोलनको उभार सिर्जना गर्न सकियो । अग्रगामि रुपान्तरणकालागि जुनसुकै वेला पनि तयार रहन जनतालाई तम्तयार राख्न सकियो ।
यसै वीचमा संविधानसभाको दुई वर्ष वित्न अव दुई महिना पनि वांकी छैन । जनताले जेष्ठ १४को दिन कुरेर वसेका छन् जेष्ठ १५ गणतन्त्र घोषणा गरेको दिन हो गणतन्त्र दिवस मनाउन पनि जनता तयार भएर वसेका हुन्छन् । यदि निर्धारित मितिमा संविधान वनाउन सकिएन भने गणतन्त्र दिवस विरोध दिवसमा परिणत हुने खतरा छ त्यसो हुन पनि दिन हुदेन तर संविधानमा निर्धारित गरे अनुसार नै संविधान नआउन हो भने त्यसको प्रतिकृया अवश्य पनि जनताले आफना काम कारवाहीवाटै दिने छन् त्यो पनि चानेचुने कुरा होईन । यो अन्यौलवाट गुज्रेकै वखत तिन दलका नेताहरुले जेष्ठ १४ मै संविधान भनेर हस्ताक्षर गरेको वक्तव्य पनि आयो तर त्यही वक्तव्य गलपासो नहोस भन्ने कुरा पनि यतिवेला हेक्का राख्न जरुरी छ र जनतालाई थप निराशा वनाउने र दलहरुप्रतिको अविश्वासको अर्को आधार पनि नवनोस भन्ने तर्फ ख्याल गर्न जरुरी छ ।
यतिवेला संविधानसभाका एघारवटै समितिले आफनो प्रारम्भिक मस्यौदा सहितको अवधारणा पत्र तयार गरीकन संविधानसभामा वुझाएको अवस्थामा संविधान निर्माणको कामको लगभग असी प्रतिशत काम सम्पनन भैसकेको छ वाकी वीस प्रतिशत काम सम्पन्न गर्न वाकी अवधि काफी छ कि छैन त्यो भने हेर्न वांकी छ वाकी रहेको काम निकै चुनौतिपूर्ण र जटिल पनि छ त्यसले आवशयक छलफल र वार्ताको माग गर्दछ तर आजसम्म गंभिर वार्तामा वसेको नेपाली जनताले अनुभूत गर्न पाएकै छैनन् । यसखालका गतिविधिले संविधान वनाउन दलहरु संवेदनशिल छन् जिम्मेवार छन् भन्ने कुरा देखाउन सकेको छैन । दलहरु आफना झिना मसिना काम र माग छाडेर संविधान वनाउन लागे भन्ने पनि देखिएको छैन । दलहरु आफना व्यापारकालागि मेची काली कासी गया यूरोप अमेरिका जता पनि पुग्न सक्ने जनताको सरोकारको विषय संविधानकालागि लगातार दुई घण्टा वैठक वस्न नसक्ने अनि कुनै पनि विवादास्पद विषयको टुगो नलगाउने यस्ता काम गरेर जनतामा निराशा छाउन दिन हुदैन भन्ने नै मुख्य करा हो ।
अव दलहरुले गर्नै पर्ने कुराका वारेमा ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।
१ पहिलो कुरा संविधान लेख्ने कि नलेख्ने के हो प्रष्ट संग भन्न जरुरी छ संविधान लेख्न मन नलाग्ने तर लेख्दिन नभन्ने कति दिन गर्न सकिन्छ यो प्रश्न किन पनि उठेको छ भने संविधानसभामा कम्युनिष्टहरुको मत दुईतिहाई छ गैर कम्युनिष्टहरु एकतिहाई मात्र छन् । गैर कम्यूनिष्टहरु कम्युनिष्टको हि तगर्ने संविधान किन वनाउने भनेर संविधान नवनाउने मार्ग समात्ने खतरा छ भने कम्यूनिष्ट भित्र पनि माओवादी र गैर माओवादीको अनुपात पनि त्यस्तै छ माओवादीले जस पउने काम किन गर्ने भन्ने धुनमा उनीहरु प्नि छन् तसर्थ यो कुराको छिनोफनो पहिलो शर्त हो ।
२ संविधान वनाउने नै निष्कर्षमा पुगे पछि संविधानसभा अघि जनतामा गरेका प्रतिवद्धता के हुन र जनताले जनयुद्ध जनआन्दोलन र मधेश आन्दोलन मार्फत चाहेको के थियो भन्ने कुरामा सहमत हुनजै पर्छ र भावी संविधानको आधार त्यसैलाई वनाउन सहमत हुन पर्छ ।
३ शान्ति र संविधानको कामको अगुवाई शान्ति र संविधानको मर्म वोकेका नेताहरुवाटै हुनपर्छ जसलाई शान्ति र संविधानसंग कुनै सरोकार नै छैन त्यस्ता नेताहरुले हात हाल्न थाले भने त्यो शान्ति र संविधान वन्दैन अरु नै चिज वन्छ यस तर्फ पनि सचेत हुनै पर्छ ।
४ विवादका विषयहरुलाई राजनैतिक र प्राविधिक छुटयाउन जरुरी छ । राजनैतिक विषयलाई राजनैतिक तवरले र प्राविधिक विषयाई प्राविधिक हिसावले नै टुगो लगाउन पर्छ । समस्या राजनैतिक विषयको हल प्राविधिक वाट र प्राधिक कुराको हल राजनीतिवाट खोज्न खोज्दा परेको छ । त्यसलाई सुल्टाउन जरुरी छ यतिवेला उल्टो तरिका अपनाईएको छ ।
५ समय छोटो छ काम गर्ने शैली ढिलाढाला छ यी दुइ विचको तालमेल पटक्के मिलेको छैन । यदि निर्धारित समयभित्रै संविधान वनाउने कुरा साचो हो भने लगातार वैठक वस्नु पर्छ हप्तावारी वैठकले निर्धारित समयमा संविधान ल्याउन मद तगर्दैन ।
६ जनताको भावना लिएर मात्रै सहमति संझौता जे गर्नु पर्ने हो सो गर्न जरुरी छ जनतलाई विस्रने आफूलाई शिर्ष नेता ठान्ने आफनै उचाई नाप्न नसक्ने प्रवृत्तिले समस्याको निकास दिदैन । तयसतर्फ सचेत हुन जरुरी छ ।
जेाहोस संविधानसभा संविधान वनाउन वनेको हो यसको अर्को मुख्य काम छैन । यसलाई संविधान वनाउने काममा सदुपयोग गर्नुकासटटा अन्यत्र प्रयोग गर्न थालियो भने त्यसको परणाम गंभिर हुनसक्नेछ भन्ने तर्फ सवैले हेक्का राख्न जरुरी छ । गणतन्त्र संघीयता र धर्मनिरपेक्षता नया संविधानका प्रस्थानविन्दु हुन भने आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण सहितको नेपाली समाजको समग्र अग्रगामी रुपान्तरण यसको मुल मर्म हो । यसैमा केन्द्रित भएर मात्रै नया संविधान संगै नया नेपाल संभव छ अन्यथा पछुताउनु वाहेक अर्को विकल्प छैन । हामीले जेष्ठ १४ लाई हेरेका मात्रै छैनौ हामीलाई जेष्ठ १४ले पनि हेरिराखेको छ भन्ने कुरा वुझौ । जनताले भने हामी र जेष्ठ १४ दुवैलाई हेरिराखेको छ ।
Bear fact of Nepali politics
नेपाली राजनीतिको मुख्य चुरो कहां छ अनुमान मात्रै गर्न सकिने एकिन गर्न नसकिने विषय वनेको छ । २००७ सालमा क्रान्ति भयो तर क्रान्ति पछिको प्रधानमन्त्री मोहनशमशेर वने । राणा शासन विरुद्धको आन्दोलन सफल भयो भनियो राणा नै फेरि पनि प्रधानमन्त्री वने । राणा शासनको अन्त भयो भनियो तर राणा नै प्रधानमन्त्री वने । संविधानसभाको चुनावको घोषणा पनि भयो तर पछि त्यसै विषयलाई गिजोल्दा गिजोल्दा संविधानसभा त संसद हुन पुग्यो यो कालखण्डको पटाक्षेप २०१५ साल अघि नै भैसकेको थियो । पटक पटकका हतियार वन्द आन्दोलनहरु पनि भए ऐतिहासिक झापा विद्रोह आशा जगाउने ठाउमा थियो तै पनि त्यसका नायकहरु पलायन भए शहिदहरु महान भए तर ओझेल पार्ने कोशिस काफी भयो । २०३६ सालको आन्दोलन पनि सुधारिएको पंचायतमा अन्त भयो । २०४२ सालको कांग्रसको अनसन र रामराजाको वम काण्डले पनि कुनै आकार ग्रहण गर्न सकेन २०४६ सालको जनआन्दोलन राजतन्त्रका विरुद्ध केन्द्रित हुदा पनि राजासंगै संझौता भएर आन्दोलन टूगियो । आखिर २०६२ ०६३को आन्दोलनले पनि आशातित सफलता हासिल नगरेकै हो तर झण्डै एक वर्ष पछि संविधानसभाको चुनाव मार्फत मात्रै राजतन्त्रको अन्त गर्न सकेर मात्रै ईज्जत रहेको कुरा साचो हो ।
आजसम्मका सवै जनआन्दोलन दवाउनेहरुमाथि कारवाही गर्ने प्रतिवद्धता जनाईएको छ । खास गरी २०४६ सालको जनआन्दोलन दमन गर्नेहरु विरुद्ध मल्लीक आयोगको गठन गरियो जसले आवश्यक छानविन पनि गरयो प्रतिवेदन वुझायो ती दोषीहरुलाई कारवाही गर्ने प्रतिवद्धता पनि जनाउदै आईयो तर अनतमा प्रजातन्त्रमा कसैलाई कारवही हुदैन भनेर आम माफी दिईयो । २०६२ ०६३ को आन्दोलन दमन गर्नेहरुलाई कारवाही गर्ने प्रयोजनार्थ रायमाझी आयोग गठन भयो सो को प्रतिवेदन पनि कारवहाी गर्न नपर्ने भनी माओवादी सरकारमा सामेल नहुदै सो पूर्वको तर जनआन्दोलन पछिको तत्कालिन सरकारले रद्दीको टोकरीमा मिल्क्याईदियो । अनौठो त के भयो भने जनआन्दोलन पछि वनेको सरकारको प्रधानमन्त्रीले पनि शपथ तिनै पराजित राजासंग दरवारमा लुकेर शपथ खाए जतिवेला आम जनताको माग थियो प्रधानमन्त्रीले भर्खरै नामाकरण गरिएको शहिद मंच मा शपथ खान पर्छ भन्ने थियो । तिनै पराजित राजा फेरि पनि हावी भए । राजतन्त्र अन्तको मर्म सहित १२ वुदे सहमतिका जगमा उठेको जनआन्दोलनको भावना विपरित संसदले राजतन्त्रको अन्त हैन छोरी पनि राजगद्दिको उत्तराधिकारी हुने घोषणा गरेर राजतन्त्रको अन्त हैन परिमार्जन गर्न पुग्दछ । फेरि पनि आन्दोलनले शिर ठाडो पार्न पाउदैन ।
आजसम्मका सवै आन्दोलनले जनता नै महान हुन जनता नै शक्तिका श्रोत हुन भन्ने कुरा त पुष्टि गरिसक्यो जनतालाई भेडा वाख्रा संझिने विदेशीको आशिर्वादमा सवैकुरा प्राप्त हुन्छ भन्ने सोच राख्ने हरु जनताका सामु राम्ररी नांगिएकै छन् अव नागिनकालागि फुकाल्नु पनेै केही हैन । जनताको अपार शक्तिका वावजुद पनि आजसम्मका सवै आन्दोलनले राज्यसत्ताको मेरुदण्ड कर्मचारी तन्त्र सैन्य वल र न्यायालय हुन भन्ने कुराको ठेगान लगाएको विषय थियो तदनुरुप प्रत्यक पटक तिनको पुनरसंरचना गर्ने कुरा उठाईएको थियो तर विडम्वना त्यसले साकार रुप कहिल्यै धारण गर्न सकेन । २००७ साल पछि को मुक्ति सेनाको विघटन र शाही सेना सरकारको मातहत ल्याउन नसक्नु विजुली गारदको सेना दरवार सारिनु दरवारको संरक्षणमा शाही सेना पालित पोसित हुनु नेपाली लोकतन्त्रको दर्भाग्य नै हुन पुगेको तथ्य छर्लग छ जसलाई विपि कोईरालाको आत्म वृत्तान्तमा राम्ररी वर्णन गरेकाछन् यस वाट लोकतन्त्र पटक पटक प्रताडित हुन पुग्दछ। २०१७ सालको फौजी काण्ड दुईतिहाईको निर्वाचित सरकार आफनै गार्डवाट गिरफतार हुनु पर्ने अवस्था पनि चानेचुने छैन । त्यसपछिका कुनै पनि विद्रोह जहा अपवादमा मात्रै सेना प्रयोग नगरिएको होला । तैपनि सेनाको लोकतान्त्रिकरणको शिक्षा अन्तरिम संविधानमा लेखेर पनि गर्न सकिएन लेख्ने तर गर्ने वेलामा खुटटा कमाउने खुटटा कमाउने मात्रै हैन उतैको वैशाखी टेक्ने गरेका प्रशस्त उदाहरण छन् । अरु त अरु नया संविधान वनाउने वेलामा पनि यो अदालतलाई छुन पाईदैन भन्ने धम्की यत्रतत्र छरिएका छन् जुन अदालतले कर्मचारी तन्त्रको सुधारको कदम चाल्ने सरकारको निर्णयलाई एक पछि अर्को गर्दै उल्टाईदिएको थियो । यसरी न कर्मचारी तन्त्र न सैन्य वल न न्यायालय कुनैमा पनि परिवर्तन गर्न नचाहने मानसिकताले परिवर्तनको राग अलाप्नु शायद मिथ्या पो हुन्छ कि यसतर्फ मिहिन पाराले ध्यान केन्द्रित गर्न जरुरी छ ।
आखिर नेपालको परिवर्तनको मुख्य सार सेना कर्मचारी तन्त्र र न्यायालयमा अडिएको छ । यी संरचनाको परिवर्तन र सुधार विना अरु क्षेत्रको परिवर्तनले संस्थागत हुने कल्पनासम्म पनि गर्न सकिदैन । यो कल्पनै गर्न नसकिने कुरा गर्नुको अर्थ पनि छैन आखिर देश भित्रका दलहरु जो आफूलाई परिवर्तनका हिमायति नै ठान्छन् तिनीहरु आफै किन यी परिवर्तन अपरिहार्य भएका विषयमा अधि सर्दैनन् खोजी गर्ने विषय वनेको छ । यी तिनवटै विषयमा नेपालीहरुको मात्रै चासो छ कि विदेशीको पनि भनेर हेर्दा नेपाली राजनीतिक दल र तिनका कर्ताहरु त वुख्याचामात्रै वनेका छन् । सेनापति छुन पाईदैन भन्ने सुद महोदयभारतीय राजदूत अदालत छुन पाईदैन भन्ने जेफ्री मुन अमेरिकी कार्यवाहक राजदूत र कर्मचारी छुनै पाईदैन वा हामीले दिएको सूचि अक्षरस पालना गर भनेर आदेश दिने मुन सुद दुवै महोदयका खुविया निकायहरु अनि नेपालको राजनीतिक परिवर्तन र परिवर्तनलाई संस्थागत गर्ने कवोल खाने दलहरुको भविशय एक पछि अर्को गर्दै सिध्याउने नेपाली जनताको मन मस्तिष्कवाट सिध्याउन नसके भौतिक रुपमा सिध्याउने षडयन्त्र गर्न पनि पछि नपर्ने छिमेकी तथा मित्र राष्ट्रहरुको गुरुयोजना नेपालमा कार्यान्वयन हुदै आएको छ । यस परम्पराको अन्त हुन जरुरी छ ।
पनि यो उमेरमा आफनो उपचारकालागि एयर एम्वुलेन्सकै व्यवस्था गरेर भए पनि िसंगापुरको छनोट केवल संयेाग मात्र हुन सक्दैन यो मात्रै संयोग जुटेको छैन । त्यही थलो िसंगापुर जहा पुर्व प्रधानमन्त्री तथा नेपाली राजनीतिका खेलाडी गिरिजाप्रसाद कोईरालाको उपचार हुदैछ विश्वकै शक्तिशाली महापुरुषहरु अमेरिकी तथा चिनीया राष्ट्रपतिहरु पनि त्यही थिए । के यसलाई केवल संयोग मात्रै भनेर छाडिदिन मिल्छ होला र संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको उपस्थिति फुटेका आखाले पनि देख्न नचाहने भारत र कुनै पनि हालतमा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको यो मिसन सफल पारी छाडने यूरोपियन यूनियन लगायत अमेरिकाको तिव्र चाहना नेपालकालागि सकारात्मक वा नकारात्मक जे सुकै होलना तर संयोग राम्रै जुटेको छ । अव दुनियाका कुनै पनि मुलुकमा गएर आफनो परिचय नेपाली भनेर दिदा भारत भन्ने प्रश्न अव उठदैन किनभने नेपाल अव संयूक्त राष्ट्रसंघको ठुलै चर्चाको विषय वनेको छ । संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ अमेरिका मात्रै हैन नया उदियमान राष्ट्र चिनको पनि प्रभाव वढदो छ । यसको उचित संतुलन राजनैतिक कौशलतामा उतार्न सक्नुपर्छ नेपाली राजनेताका काधमा आएको जिम्मेवारी यही हो । तर यो जिम्मेवारी पूरा गरिरहदा पनि नेपलाी राजनीतिको परिवर्तनको गाठी कुरा भनेको राज्यसत्ताका आधारभूत अंग सेना कर्मचारीतन्त्र र नयालयको आमुल परिवर्तन र पुनरसंरचना नै हो भन्ने कुरा सदैव दिमागमा राख्नै पर्छ । यसपछिमात्रै परिवर्तनको अनुभूति हुनेछ ।
आजसम्मका सवै जनआन्दोलन दवाउनेहरुमाथि कारवाही गर्ने प्रतिवद्धता जनाईएको छ । खास गरी २०४६ सालको जनआन्दोलन दमन गर्नेहरु विरुद्ध मल्लीक आयोगको गठन गरियो जसले आवश्यक छानविन पनि गरयो प्रतिवेदन वुझायो ती दोषीहरुलाई कारवाही गर्ने प्रतिवद्धता पनि जनाउदै आईयो तर अनतमा प्रजातन्त्रमा कसैलाई कारवही हुदैन भनेर आम माफी दिईयो । २०६२ ०६३ को आन्दोलन दमन गर्नेहरुलाई कारवाही गर्ने प्रयोजनार्थ रायमाझी आयोग गठन भयो सो को प्रतिवेदन पनि कारवहाी गर्न नपर्ने भनी माओवादी सरकारमा सामेल नहुदै सो पूर्वको तर जनआन्दोलन पछिको तत्कालिन सरकारले रद्दीको टोकरीमा मिल्क्याईदियो । अनौठो त के भयो भने जनआन्दोलन पछि वनेको सरकारको प्रधानमन्त्रीले पनि शपथ तिनै पराजित राजासंग दरवारमा लुकेर शपथ खाए जतिवेला आम जनताको माग थियो प्रधानमन्त्रीले भर्खरै नामाकरण गरिएको शहिद मंच मा शपथ खान पर्छ भन्ने थियो । तिनै पराजित राजा फेरि पनि हावी भए । राजतन्त्र अन्तको मर्म सहित १२ वुदे सहमतिका जगमा उठेको जनआन्दोलनको भावना विपरित संसदले राजतन्त्रको अन्त हैन छोरी पनि राजगद्दिको उत्तराधिकारी हुने घोषणा गरेर राजतन्त्रको अन्त हैन परिमार्जन गर्न पुग्दछ । फेरि पनि आन्दोलनले शिर ठाडो पार्न पाउदैन ।
आजसम्मका सवै आन्दोलनले जनता नै महान हुन जनता नै शक्तिका श्रोत हुन भन्ने कुरा त पुष्टि गरिसक्यो जनतालाई भेडा वाख्रा संझिने विदेशीको आशिर्वादमा सवैकुरा प्राप्त हुन्छ भन्ने सोच राख्ने हरु जनताका सामु राम्ररी नांगिएकै छन् अव नागिनकालागि फुकाल्नु पनेै केही हैन । जनताको अपार शक्तिका वावजुद पनि आजसम्मका सवै आन्दोलनले राज्यसत्ताको मेरुदण्ड कर्मचारी तन्त्र सैन्य वल र न्यायालय हुन भन्ने कुराको ठेगान लगाएको विषय थियो तदनुरुप प्रत्यक पटक तिनको पुनरसंरचना गर्ने कुरा उठाईएको थियो तर विडम्वना त्यसले साकार रुप कहिल्यै धारण गर्न सकेन । २००७ साल पछि को मुक्ति सेनाको विघटन र शाही सेना सरकारको मातहत ल्याउन नसक्नु विजुली गारदको सेना दरवार सारिनु दरवारको संरक्षणमा शाही सेना पालित पोसित हुनु नेपाली लोकतन्त्रको दर्भाग्य नै हुन पुगेको तथ्य छर्लग छ जसलाई विपि कोईरालाको आत्म वृत्तान्तमा राम्ररी वर्णन गरेकाछन् यस वाट लोकतन्त्र पटक पटक प्रताडित हुन पुग्दछ। २०१७ सालको फौजी काण्ड दुईतिहाईको निर्वाचित सरकार आफनै गार्डवाट गिरफतार हुनु पर्ने अवस्था पनि चानेचुने छैन । त्यसपछिका कुनै पनि विद्रोह जहा अपवादमा मात्रै सेना प्रयोग नगरिएको होला । तैपनि सेनाको लोकतान्त्रिकरणको शिक्षा अन्तरिम संविधानमा लेखेर पनि गर्न सकिएन लेख्ने तर गर्ने वेलामा खुटटा कमाउने खुटटा कमाउने मात्रै हैन उतैको वैशाखी टेक्ने गरेका प्रशस्त उदाहरण छन् । अरु त अरु नया संविधान वनाउने वेलामा पनि यो अदालतलाई छुन पाईदैन भन्ने धम्की यत्रतत्र छरिएका छन् जुन अदालतले कर्मचारी तन्त्रको सुधारको कदम चाल्ने सरकारको निर्णयलाई एक पछि अर्को गर्दै उल्टाईदिएको थियो । यसरी न कर्मचारी तन्त्र न सैन्य वल न न्यायालय कुनैमा पनि परिवर्तन गर्न नचाहने मानसिकताले परिवर्तनको राग अलाप्नु शायद मिथ्या पो हुन्छ कि यसतर्फ मिहिन पाराले ध्यान केन्द्रित गर्न जरुरी छ ।
आखिर नेपालको परिवर्तनको मुख्य सार सेना कर्मचारी तन्त्र र न्यायालयमा अडिएको छ । यी संरचनाको परिवर्तन र सुधार विना अरु क्षेत्रको परिवर्तनले संस्थागत हुने कल्पनासम्म पनि गर्न सकिदैन । यो कल्पनै गर्न नसकिने कुरा गर्नुको अर्थ पनि छैन आखिर देश भित्रका दलहरु जो आफूलाई परिवर्तनका हिमायति नै ठान्छन् तिनीहरु आफै किन यी परिवर्तन अपरिहार्य भएका विषयमा अधि सर्दैनन् खोजी गर्ने विषय वनेको छ । यी तिनवटै विषयमा नेपालीहरुको मात्रै चासो छ कि विदेशीको पनि भनेर हेर्दा नेपाली राजनीतिक दल र तिनका कर्ताहरु त वुख्याचामात्रै वनेका छन् । सेनापति छुन पाईदैन भन्ने सुद महोदयभारतीय राजदूत अदालत छुन पाईदैन भन्ने जेफ्री मुन अमेरिकी कार्यवाहक राजदूत र कर्मचारी छुनै पाईदैन वा हामीले दिएको सूचि अक्षरस पालना गर भनेर आदेश दिने मुन सुद दुवै महोदयका खुविया निकायहरु अनि नेपालको राजनीतिक परिवर्तन र परिवर्तनलाई संस्थागत गर्ने कवोल खाने दलहरुको भविशय एक पछि अर्को गर्दै सिध्याउने नेपाली जनताको मन मस्तिष्कवाट सिध्याउन नसके भौतिक रुपमा सिध्याउने षडयन्त्र गर्न पनि पछि नपर्ने छिमेकी तथा मित्र राष्ट्रहरुको गुरुयोजना नेपालमा कार्यान्वयन हुदै आएको छ । यस परम्पराको अन्त हुन जरुरी छ ।
पनि यो उमेरमा आफनो उपचारकालागि एयर एम्वुलेन्सकै व्यवस्था गरेर भए पनि िसंगापुरको छनोट केवल संयेाग मात्र हुन सक्दैन यो मात्रै संयोग जुटेको छैन । त्यही थलो िसंगापुर जहा पुर्व प्रधानमन्त्री तथा नेपाली राजनीतिका खेलाडी गिरिजाप्रसाद कोईरालाको उपचार हुदैछ विश्वकै शक्तिशाली महापुरुषहरु अमेरिकी तथा चिनीया राष्ट्रपतिहरु पनि त्यही थिए । के यसलाई केवल संयोग मात्रै भनेर छाडिदिन मिल्छ होला र संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको उपस्थिति फुटेका आखाले पनि देख्न नचाहने भारत र कुनै पनि हालतमा संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघको यो मिसन सफल पारी छाडने यूरोपियन यूनियन लगायत अमेरिकाको तिव्र चाहना नेपालकालागि सकारात्मक वा नकारात्मक जे सुकै होलना तर संयोग राम्रै जुटेको छ । अव दुनियाका कुनै पनि मुलुकमा गएर आफनो परिचय नेपाली भनेर दिदा भारत भन्ने प्रश्न अव उठदैन किनभने नेपाल अव संयूक्त राष्ट्रसंघको ठुलै चर्चाको विषय वनेको छ । संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ अमेरिका मात्रै हैन नया उदियमान राष्ट्र चिनको पनि प्रभाव वढदो छ । यसको उचित संतुलन राजनैतिक कौशलतामा उतार्न सक्नुपर्छ नेपाली राजनेताका काधमा आएको जिम्मेवारी यही हो । तर यो जिम्मेवारी पूरा गरिरहदा पनि नेपलाी राजनीतिको परिवर्तनको गाठी कुरा भनेको राज्यसत्ताका आधारभूत अंग सेना कर्मचारीतन्त्र र नयालयको आमुल परिवर्तन र पुनरसंरचना नै हो भन्ने कुरा सदैव दिमागमा राख्नै पर्छ । यसपछिमात्रै परिवर्तनको अनुभूति हुनेछ ।
Thursday, June 3, 2010
Restructuring of state and judiciary
Restructuring of state and judiciary
Khimlal Devkota
We are in constitution writing process which is an important part of the peace process. Peace, constitution and socio-economic transformation are main tasks of the nation. Proper management of the transitional peroid is main duty of the major political parties. Peace process can’t be concluded without new constitution and army integration. The main objective of new constitution is to ensure restructuring of the state. Restructuring of the state doesn’t only mean federal structure of the nation or territorial division of the state but it also means territorial division of the state including restructuring of the security forces, judiciary and bureaucracy and other state organs.
State restructuring
The popular mandate of the great Peoples' War, April Movement and Madhesh Movement is state restructuring. We all are convinced that our assets are diversity but unfortunetly we have failed to manage it properly. Due to our inability to manage our resources, diversity has become the main problem of the society.
Our country is full of resources. Though we have a huge potential, we have failed to utilize those resources in an optimal level. That is why we are facings various problems. But among those problems, first of all we must find out major problem. So, the major problem is our structure of the state. Old and conservative idea of feudal mind set has created such problems. Our existing structure is based on unitary model while the nation is full of diversity. Without addressing the diversities, the people's aspirations cannot be satisfied with present structure. A central capital rules the whole country and all the resources are exploited by the center itself. Distribution of all avilable resources is unjust.
We have agreed to end old unitary structure of the country and set up a new federal model. The interim constitution has already decleared and guaranteed, Nepal as a federal democratic republican nation.
Basis of the federal structure
We have already identified major problems of the Nepalese society. Those are class, nationality, region and gender. If we are going to accept the federal model, all our problems must be addressed. Our new federal model must be a better solution of all these problems.
Federal structure should be on the basis of diseggregation. Federal unit by diseggregation are only few more examples which cannot be copied as it is. Our problems of the society is identity which is mainly based on nationality. Nationality must be differentiated from ethnicity and castes.
Our federal structure must ensure regional disparity. We must address our regional imbalance in development, access to the ruling sector and justifiable representation in every level and structure of the state and others.
Gender equality is another factor but it is limited only in slogans. Fifty per cent of the population are women. Women representation is not encouraging in every sector. Women lag behind in the society so balance of the society is not proper. Federal unit cannot be made on the basis of gender. So how to make it reverent federalism in gender perspective is a major question. Same questions applies for the Dalits as well.
Can the problem of class, another major issue of the Nepalese society, be addressed through federal structure or federalism is a big question. If we are not able to manage class problems, we can’t solve the problems of the society. We too must have take in account the big gap between haves and haves not.
Actual problem of the society is to solve the contradictions of the society. If contradictions of the society remains unchanged, only making a federal structure will not have any sense. So democracy, federalism, forms of governance, electoral system, inclusiveness all are appropriate tools of the solution of the problems.
Proposed federal
structure
Federal structure of the country must be made on the basis of the identity and ability. When the country was in conflict , there were nine autonomous regions. It was practiced also as a parallel power. After the negotiation we are in great debate whether the federal structure should be done on the basis of nationality or geography. Some are trying to make it on the basis of ethnicity so ethnic federalism others are entails against it. Some are in favor of north south division and others are against it. So, we are in a deadlock in this issue so it is needed to make proper balance and make it practical.
Now, CA state restructuring committee has proposed 14 federal units but in terms of size and capacity it is criticized from some corner. From the identity corner it is accepted but it is still not sufficient for other identities in a sizable number. So we can make it scientific and practical. But we debated on size and shape and boundaries only and focused less on jurisdiction and power.
Best option for federal unit
Federal structure is not a final solution for all types of problems. It is only a tool of the solution of the different kinds of problems.
We have bitter experiences of the unitary state monarchy and exclusion culture in the past. So let’s agree on identity and capacity. If identity is fully recognized then we must focus on its capacity. Identity and capacity make proper balance in federal structure. Balance can be made from power and jurisdiction not only in identity.
Basic feature of the federal units
• All demerits created by the past unitary state must be removed.
• Isolation feelings of the different parts of the people and community must be addressed.
• Service delivery to the people must be guranted.
• Gap between people and leader must be minimized.
• Rule and development by their own real represented must be visible.
• Inclusion of all the communities in policy making level and decision making level must be guaranteed.
• Basic elements of the federal units.
• Power and jurisdiction must be defined. Center province and concurrent list must be clear.
• Dispute settlement mechanism is needed in a professional manner.
• Financial commission and equal distribution of power and resources must be ensured.
• Collaboration and cooperation between and among the provinces and center must be clear.
• Autonomous and right to self determination must be on clear understanding.
• Core value of federal system
• National unity, Integrity and sovereignty are a common and core values of the nations.
• Cooperative and coordination each other is a prerequisite.
Judiciary and its restructuring
We fought against feudalism and established a republican system. Still there are many forms of feudalism prevailing in the Nepalese society which is urgently needs removed. Those organs where feudal forms are still remaining is judiciary. So, regarding judicial restructuring it is needed to remove its feudal forms in structure functions and functionaries.
For the restructuring of the judiciary we should do as following:
• Need to change unitary to federal mode
• Inclusive appointment
• Old mindset with feudal forms
• Approach of justice delivery
• Accountable to the people
• Appointment removal and interpretation of the political matters
Before talking about judiciary we should first determine the forms of governance. Presidential forms, parliamentary forms and direct elected prime minister which different modalities on forms of governance. If we fixed on executive president then we need to make is presidential proposal and senate approval if we accept parliamentary system then we can make it others one. If we need parliamentary supremacy then supreme can be only parliament peoples representative. Then interpretation of the law and constitution and which is related with political and policy matters it must be given to the democratically elected representative. If presidential system is choosen then questions of seperation of power is in existence if parliamentry system is taken then seperation of power does not comes.
According to our Interim Constitution we must have made our judiciary compatable with spirit of the peoples movement. In a New constitution we need to address inclusion,accountable to the people and structure as a federal setup and new mind set.
Selection of the judges must be taken as an opprotunity to make them familiar and accountable to the people. Election could be fine if it is no possible we can make it gureented right person right place. Judges must be in touch with people. Judges must be accountable to the people through their representatives.Appointment and removal process involvement of elected representative must be insured.For this purpose we can accept name proposed by president confirmed by parliament in appointment and for removal parliament must be responsible .
If state restructuring is done properly, the people can see new features in a political system and culture. It makes proper sense of new Nepal. Judiciary is needed to make it proper correction if we able to make sure appointment removal and interpretation regarding political and policy matters Constitution has got new features.
New set of state structure after forward looking restructuring is a main agenda of the peoples war at a same time judiciary is a vital player. till now judiciary is not affected by political revolution it is still in evolutionary process. When politics is in revolutionary and judiciary is in evolutionary process then difference between evolution and revolution can be contradictory. It can be creats others contradictions. let taking this fact in mind lets make restructuring of the state and judiciary.
In conclusion we are facing the problems of federalization of the country. We have to address liberation movement and nationality movement. In this concern castism and ethnicity can be in hihenderedness insted of nationalities liberation movement. Recationary camp is fully concentrated on ethnic clash . Therefore, we marxist must be careful on it and focused on liberation. This is a high time and approperiate topic to state restructuring agenda. Anti federalist idea is taking place to make it faliuer by ethnic clash and we marxist must have a careful on it and have to play vital role to make it federal units in success. •
Khimlal Devkota
We are in constitution writing process which is an important part of the peace process. Peace, constitution and socio-economic transformation are main tasks of the nation. Proper management of the transitional peroid is main duty of the major political parties. Peace process can’t be concluded without new constitution and army integration. The main objective of new constitution is to ensure restructuring of the state. Restructuring of the state doesn’t only mean federal structure of the nation or territorial division of the state but it also means territorial division of the state including restructuring of the security forces, judiciary and bureaucracy and other state organs.
State restructuring
The popular mandate of the great Peoples' War, April Movement and Madhesh Movement is state restructuring. We all are convinced that our assets are diversity but unfortunetly we have failed to manage it properly. Due to our inability to manage our resources, diversity has become the main problem of the society.
Our country is full of resources. Though we have a huge potential, we have failed to utilize those resources in an optimal level. That is why we are facings various problems. But among those problems, first of all we must find out major problem. So, the major problem is our structure of the state. Old and conservative idea of feudal mind set has created such problems. Our existing structure is based on unitary model while the nation is full of diversity. Without addressing the diversities, the people's aspirations cannot be satisfied with present structure. A central capital rules the whole country and all the resources are exploited by the center itself. Distribution of all avilable resources is unjust.
We have agreed to end old unitary structure of the country and set up a new federal model. The interim constitution has already decleared and guaranteed, Nepal as a federal democratic republican nation.
Basis of the federal structure
We have already identified major problems of the Nepalese society. Those are class, nationality, region and gender. If we are going to accept the federal model, all our problems must be addressed. Our new federal model must be a better solution of all these problems.
Federal structure should be on the basis of diseggregation. Federal unit by diseggregation are only few more examples which cannot be copied as it is. Our problems of the society is identity which is mainly based on nationality. Nationality must be differentiated from ethnicity and castes.
Our federal structure must ensure regional disparity. We must address our regional imbalance in development, access to the ruling sector and justifiable representation in every level and structure of the state and others.
Gender equality is another factor but it is limited only in slogans. Fifty per cent of the population are women. Women representation is not encouraging in every sector. Women lag behind in the society so balance of the society is not proper. Federal unit cannot be made on the basis of gender. So how to make it reverent federalism in gender perspective is a major question. Same questions applies for the Dalits as well.
Can the problem of class, another major issue of the Nepalese society, be addressed through federal structure or federalism is a big question. If we are not able to manage class problems, we can’t solve the problems of the society. We too must have take in account the big gap between haves and haves not.
Actual problem of the society is to solve the contradictions of the society. If contradictions of the society remains unchanged, only making a federal structure will not have any sense. So democracy, federalism, forms of governance, electoral system, inclusiveness all are appropriate tools of the solution of the problems.
Proposed federal
structure
Federal structure of the country must be made on the basis of the identity and ability. When the country was in conflict , there were nine autonomous regions. It was practiced also as a parallel power. After the negotiation we are in great debate whether the federal structure should be done on the basis of nationality or geography. Some are trying to make it on the basis of ethnicity so ethnic federalism others are entails against it. Some are in favor of north south division and others are against it. So, we are in a deadlock in this issue so it is needed to make proper balance and make it practical.
Now, CA state restructuring committee has proposed 14 federal units but in terms of size and capacity it is criticized from some corner. From the identity corner it is accepted but it is still not sufficient for other identities in a sizable number. So we can make it scientific and practical. But we debated on size and shape and boundaries only and focused less on jurisdiction and power.
Best option for federal unit
Federal structure is not a final solution for all types of problems. It is only a tool of the solution of the different kinds of problems.
We have bitter experiences of the unitary state monarchy and exclusion culture in the past. So let’s agree on identity and capacity. If identity is fully recognized then we must focus on its capacity. Identity and capacity make proper balance in federal structure. Balance can be made from power and jurisdiction not only in identity.
Basic feature of the federal units
• All demerits created by the past unitary state must be removed.
• Isolation feelings of the different parts of the people and community must be addressed.
• Service delivery to the people must be guranted.
• Gap between people and leader must be minimized.
• Rule and development by their own real represented must be visible.
• Inclusion of all the communities in policy making level and decision making level must be guaranteed.
• Basic elements of the federal units.
• Power and jurisdiction must be defined. Center province and concurrent list must be clear.
• Dispute settlement mechanism is needed in a professional manner.
• Financial commission and equal distribution of power and resources must be ensured.
• Collaboration and cooperation between and among the provinces and center must be clear.
• Autonomous and right to self determination must be on clear understanding.
• Core value of federal system
• National unity, Integrity and sovereignty are a common and core values of the nations.
• Cooperative and coordination each other is a prerequisite.
Judiciary and its restructuring
We fought against feudalism and established a republican system. Still there are many forms of feudalism prevailing in the Nepalese society which is urgently needs removed. Those organs where feudal forms are still remaining is judiciary. So, regarding judicial restructuring it is needed to remove its feudal forms in structure functions and functionaries.
For the restructuring of the judiciary we should do as following:
• Need to change unitary to federal mode
• Inclusive appointment
• Old mindset with feudal forms
• Approach of justice delivery
• Accountable to the people
• Appointment removal and interpretation of the political matters
Before talking about judiciary we should first determine the forms of governance. Presidential forms, parliamentary forms and direct elected prime minister which different modalities on forms of governance. If we fixed on executive president then we need to make is presidential proposal and senate approval if we accept parliamentary system then we can make it others one. If we need parliamentary supremacy then supreme can be only parliament peoples representative. Then interpretation of the law and constitution and which is related with political and policy matters it must be given to the democratically elected representative. If presidential system is choosen then questions of seperation of power is in existence if parliamentry system is taken then seperation of power does not comes.
According to our Interim Constitution we must have made our judiciary compatable with spirit of the peoples movement. In a New constitution we need to address inclusion,accountable to the people and structure as a federal setup and new mind set.
Selection of the judges must be taken as an opprotunity to make them familiar and accountable to the people. Election could be fine if it is no possible we can make it gureented right person right place. Judges must be in touch with people. Judges must be accountable to the people through their representatives.Appointment and removal process involvement of elected representative must be insured.For this purpose we can accept name proposed by president confirmed by parliament in appointment and for removal parliament must be responsible .
If state restructuring is done properly, the people can see new features in a political system and culture. It makes proper sense of new Nepal. Judiciary is needed to make it proper correction if we able to make sure appointment removal and interpretation regarding political and policy matters Constitution has got new features.
New set of state structure after forward looking restructuring is a main agenda of the peoples war at a same time judiciary is a vital player. till now judiciary is not affected by political revolution it is still in evolutionary process. When politics is in revolutionary and judiciary is in evolutionary process then difference between evolution and revolution can be contradictory. It can be creats others contradictions. let taking this fact in mind lets make restructuring of the state and judiciary.
In conclusion we are facing the problems of federalization of the country. We have to address liberation movement and nationality movement. In this concern castism and ethnicity can be in hihenderedness insted of nationalities liberation movement. Recationary camp is fully concentrated on ethnic clash . Therefore, we marxist must be careful on it and focused on liberation. This is a high time and approperiate topic to state restructuring agenda. Anti federalist idea is taking place to make it faliuer by ethnic clash and we marxist must have a careful on it and have to play vital role to make it federal units in success. •
Saturday, November 14, 2009
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