Japan India and Nepal Global Partnership Summit 2011 On Strategic Vision for Next Decade.

India Japan global Partnership summit 2011
4-7th September, 2011
Tokyo Japan
Speech delivered by Khimlal Devkota

Mr. Chairman distinguish guest, speakers, participants ladies and gentleman,
First of all I would like to express my sincere thanks to the organizer for inviting me and giving me an opportunity in this august gathering. India Japan Global Partnership summit 2011.
I am from Nepal, a country which is now in a peace process after a decade long people's war. In case of Nepal, conflict evolved against the autocratic feudal monarchial unitary system which forced the people to live in a miserable life; in poverty, illiteracy and week socio- economic conditions. Nepal inter in peace process in 2006, after signing on comprehensive Peace accord. We have identified integration and rehabilitation of People's liberation Army (PLA), Constitution formulation and the socio-economic transformation as the major tasks to achieve a sustainable peace.
Indeed, the peace accord in the struggle against feudal monarchy and oligarchy was a grand success. However, Nepal is now at a transitional phase. Time and again, peace process is obstructed when political parties in the country fail to consolidate on a common agenda for peace. We are feeling diffulities to create a sustainable political environment in the country. The weak socio-economic condition of the country has been as major challenge in the peace process and post-conflict restructuring of the country. As you all now know that, Nepal is drafting its constitution through constituent Assembly, through their elected representatives. We aimed to represent all sector, identities and diversities in the constitution. Moreover, it has become a test for direct use of people's sovereignty. Thus, our new constitution must be a codification of people's rights. If we confined again in only civil and political rights but failed to address the socio-economic rights of the people, root cause of conflict may not be abolish. We believe, the constitution must guarantee socio-economic and cultural rights of the people.
Through New constitution we must have to fix our political and economic system at least.
Political system:
Coming to the second decade of 21st century, the innovation in science and technology has expanded their ambit. I do believe politics was and politics is always in command. In the last century, Japan went through bad has bad experiences of war and India had bitter experiences of British colony. Sadly, Nepal is still suffering from its history of feudal autocratic monarchial unitary system and its hangover.
Parliamentary systems or the presidential system, both have merits and demerits. Besides, now its proven that we cannot generalize a specific system to be the perfect one for all the countries. There is a need of a rethink and revise these systems in accordance with demand of the diversified issue of the specific country and the emerging global economy. Today, strong economic system and a strong political system have become each other's support. If political system collapses, it creates a negative effect on the economic sector. Similarly, an economic system can sustain only in sustainable and suitable political system. This is an opportunity to draw attention for new and pro-people political system for themselves and for others too. India and Japan both countries are having parliamentary system they had maintained their status quo but not able to resolve their own problems. Especially, why does, India, the country with 60 years old democracy has the largest number of poorest population in the world? , why are there defragmentation among the people and different groups are marching against the system and are broadening their area scale day by day? So, why not rethink about parliamentary system. Why not to research and find out the root causes of devastating conflicts that we aim to eliminate from countries?
Economic system:
Around the world peoples are facing their own problems government and establishment is also in same condition. Frankly speaking, socialism and capitalism both were success in the past era but now it is in 21st century always in questions. We cannot deny that, communism was in one of the ruling position in the 1st half of the 20th century. However, with the disintegration of the USSR, rumor spread out analyzing it as an s failure of the Marxism. Flowingly, capitalism dominated the world. Many nations claimed it to be the best system. But sadly, the economic crisis in the 1st decade of the 21st century has challenged capitalism. Many of us have anlysised it as a failure of capitalism. So, now it's time to come together and find a better sustainable system which will, in true sense create an economic world of mutual prosperity. Let's reassessment the growing economy and reform our angle to view the specific sectors and our priorities.
People's relation:
Political dynamics is changing now. Only the formal relation institutional relations of a country to country can't do everything. There is a need to establish people to people informal relations and promote non-governmental l relation and track 2 relations. Peoples are everywhere if people are ignored then strong establishments also can be challenged and questioned. Pro people policy and policy owned by the people, oversight by the people and guided by the people must be a slogan for policy makers.
Challenges: Gap between haves and have not is going bigger.
Ladies and Gentlemen, just think even if we believe everyone has equal rights, some of the peoples are still deprive from state power and state services. Though, legally they are all equal but among those equals many of them are unable to access equal power and rights. Sadly, in the same state there are people who have power to monopolizing state mechanism and for their own benefits. The outcome of this type of social structure is violence and tension. This type of tension can only be address by inclusion sharing power and ensure access to state power.
Poor people are our main stakeholders:
If we study the population structure, we can see mass of poor people as a poor people. These poor people are largest part of our populations. Thus, I believe these people must be the main stakeholder of the economic development, user of state power and order of the state power. If we forget to include them in our economic policies, we are missing the biggest target.
If look deep into major tensions and conflicts in our societies, Poverty, illiteracy, exploitation and suppression are the sources of these conflict and revolution. Constitutional and legitimate formal institutions or rule of law have failed to function in the countries with poverty, illiteracy, exploitation and so on.
Resources sharing are a big deal:
Politics, business, service and all other sectors are confined in collection and capture the resources. Not to forget that all resources are equal for all. Access to resources and sharing of resources is right of the all people but it is hard to seen in practice.
Ownership and production relation:
State assets, natural resources are equal for its people. However, the society has different classes of people. Thus, ironically, equality in the use of these resources is only exercised only among that equal mass which are equal. But what about the mass that is not equal and cant not but the mass which is not equal and cannot have access to such resources? There is a huge mass of populations are unable to exercise their so called equal rights as equal opportunities and as they lack equal access to these resources. Who made the rule that poor people cannot use the resources and the products on which they have equal rights? If the recourses are equal for all, why cannot a poor person cannot be the owner of the resources and product and neither a factory too?
We have huge masses of the poor and deprived people who contribute the production at the same time world is suffering from the Industrial capital changing and replacing by financial capital which is also main challenges.
Each and every sector is spread out throughout the world and the World is looks like a global village. Market is focused on profit rather than need of the people and service of the people. More profit can be achieved from financial capital then industrial capital. As a result the unemployment is increasing day by day. The complete sift of industrial capital into financial capital will collapse employment opportunities would completely. As in the history, when masses of the peoples are detached from the resources any kind of capital, it generates frustration, and anger creating violent revolutions and struggle against industrial financial capital.
Prosperities: Nepal is in the phase of constitution writing and at a time nation building and constitution building. This is a time to focus on special topics like political and economic system within the political system. Newest constitution from Nepal can be a model for others countries to study the new trend of socio-economic revolution. Moreover, we are egger to know the experiences and suggestions of other countries to have an effective socio-economic movement form the grassroots level.
Diversities:
21st century is a time of identity politics. If any political party does not accept it, it's definite that it will collapse. Nepal is country of diversity. Diversity is not a liability; it is an asset of the country. However, if the issue of diversity is not addressed properly, it will create tensions everywhere. Those who can manage and use the population diversity in positive and productive way would success. So, acceptance and proper addressing and capitalization of diversity within people is very important issues that the world can learn from Nepal.
Tourism:
Nepal, Japan, and India, each of these countries have high potentiality of tourism. Different level of population can be managing religious tourism, business tourism, and technological tourism. These can promote a healthy and productive exchange of different kind of ideas, culture and practices. Lord Buddha’s birth place is in Nepal, Japan as a Buddhist country can promote tourism in Nepal. Similarly, India can attract Nepal's largest Hindu communities. Specialist of three countries can sit together and plan for different tourism packages in these three countries with diversities in climate, culture and entire differences in way of living.
Human resources:
Nepal has the Young and working population is in Nepal. 2/3 population of Nepal is 18-45 age group where is the old age population is comparatively low. Nepali human resources can highly be useful for Japan and for Nepal it would an opportunity to learn the latest technology and use the experiences of Japan in the home country.
Natural resources:
Nepal is a nature gift country everywhere it is full of natural beauty which can be use as a tourism industry and development of national economic development. Several known and unknown Herbal products are also in Nepal. Which can be explore more and more with the help of develop country. Donation grant and loan in productive and doable sector must be identified.
Tension minimizes:
Everywhere is full of tense heavy investment on war industry cannot contribute for peace. Japan and India can play a vital role about to change a war economy to peace economy, destructive economy to constructive economy. Together we can create a world of no armies and wars but a world with schools and pollution free natural environment for the future generation.
Equality, co-existences:
Equality and co-existence is a spirit of the whole world but no one has taken as it in real life. Equality and co existence is a very sensitive matter. We cannot see them in concrete but can feel the sense. If we could properly handle them; peace, harmony, prosperity and development can flourish. Nepal India and Japan has series of commonalities and differences. Politically Capitalism-market economy vs. socialist economy: Countries that have been facing such event now they became a new economic super power.
At last, but not the least, I believe, Japan's global partnership, including India which is one of the Neighbor of Nepal will certainly benefit Nepal and the Asian subcontinent. I believe also believe that it will promote to create a sustainable economy and everlasting peace in the world. More specifically, Nepal would be glad to get friendly hands from Japan and India in its mission to achieve a nation of people with equal rights and opportunities and re construct the country with a tremendous socio-economic change.
Thank you !


How the new socio-economic framework evolving between India and Japan can serve as a model to emulate for global Patterned countries. The India Japan relationship is bound to acquire even greater significance as the Asian region goes through tremendous socio-economic and geopolitical changes and as the international scene rapidly evolves, the session tries to define micro-vision of Japan Global Parternership.
Suggest Policy level changes. Which will encompass Nepal in the India Japan Global Parternership Initiative.
Identify areas of cooperation and what is needed on policy level from Nepal Japan and India.

शान्ति प्रकृयाका जटिलता र समाधानका उपायहरु

शान्ति र संविधान नेपाली जनताको एकमात्र चाहना हुदा हुदै पनि सो चाहना पुरा गर्न नेपाली राजनीतिक दल र तिनका नेताहरुलाई हम्मे हम्मे परेको छ । आखिर यसो हुनमा के त्यस्तो तत्वले काम गरेको छ । यसका जिम्मेवार पक्षहरु के के र को को होलान वा शान्ति प्रकृयाका जटिलताहरु नै होलान वा यसका जटिलताहरु हुन भने ति के के होलान यसै विषयमा संक्षेपमा चर्चा गर्ने प्रयत्न गरिएको छ ।
शान्ति प्रकृयाको आरम्भ ऐतिहासिक १२ वुदेवाट भएको हो । सो सहमति तत्कालिन सात दल र माओवादीका वीच भएको भएतापनि दुवै पक्षको औपचारिक हस्ताक्षर समारोह भएर हुन सकेको अवस्था हैन । अझ भनौ विगत दश वर्ष एक आपसमा लडेका शक्तिहरु कै वीचमा भएको सहमति थियो सो १२ वुदे सहमति । तसर्थ यो नै नेपाली राजनीतिको अनौठो अवस्था हो र मौलिकता पनि हो । खासगरी दश वर्ष भन्दा वढी अवधि एक आपसमा लडेका दलहरु एक अर्कालाई आतंककारी भनेका दलहरु एक अर्कालाई सके सम्म सिध्याउने भनेर लागेका दलहरु एका एक मिल्ने वातावरण यसकारणले तयार भयो जसका निम्ति ज्ञानेन्द्रको शाही कदम जिम्मेवार थियो । ज्ञानेन्द्रको लात र माओवादीको हातले तत्कालिन सात दल र माओवादी मिलन सम्भव भएको थियो भन्न्ो भनाई पनि निकै चर्चा छ । यो अवस्था ज्ञानेन्द्रको शासनकाल सम्म सकि्रय वा निष्किृय दुवै अवधिसम्म त सम्भव भयो तर जव गणतन्त्रको घोषणा गरियो र राजतन्त्रलाई सदाकालागि विदायी गरियो तव एकापसमा शत्रु खोज्ने वानी परेका राजनैतिक दलहरुले शत्रु खोज्नै थाले र यसो गर्दा अरु कोही थिएन एक अर्कालाई नै देख्न थाले समस्या र जलिता यहीवाट आरम्भ भएको थियो । यसका अतिरिक्त अरु विषयहरु केवल निमित्त कारण मात्रै रहे ।
एकापसमा एक दशक लडेका र दुई वर्ष मात्रै मिलेका दलहरु फेरि एक अर्कामा शत्रु घोषणा गर्ने तहसम्म पुगेका दलहरु वीचको आपसी सम्वन्ध जटिल हुनु स्वभाविक नै थियो यसैको परिणाम शान्ति प्रकृयामा जटिलताहरु आई परेका हुन यसको उचित समाधान नखोजीकन शान्ति प्रकृयाका जटिलताहरु पहिचान र निदान दुवै संभव छैन ।
१२ वुदे सहमतिः
शान्ति प्रकृयाको थालनी यही विन्दुवाट भएको थियो । यस सहमतिमा शान्ति् प्रकृयाका विषयमा भन्दा पनि शाही निरंकुशताको अन्तमा वढी जोड दिईएको थियो । शाही निरंकुताको अन्त पछि राज्यको रुपान्तरण र शान्ति प्रकृया कसरी अघि वढछ भन्ने वारेमा पनि सामान्य रोडम्याप तयार भएको थियो तर सो रोडम्याप शर्तवन्दी थियेा राजतन्त्रको उपस्थितिमा त्यो शर्त वन्दी स्वभाविक पनि थियो विश्वास योग्य पनि थियो सवैकालागि अपरिहार्य पनि थियो तर राजतन्त्रको अन्त संगै राज्यको रुपान्तरणका विषय जनमुक्ति सेनाको समायोजनको विषय र शाही सेनाको लोकतान्त्रिकरण गर्ने विषय निकै जटिल वनेर आई पुगे । १२ वुदेको औपचारिक र अनौपचारिक सहमति र समझदारीमा वुझाई र आत्मसातीकरणमा देखिएको भिन्नता नै शान्ति प्रकृयाको जटिलता वनेर आएको छ । खासगरी निरंकुताको अन्तसम्मको रोडम्याप स्पष्ट भए पनि त्यसपछिको के भन्ने वारेमा स्पष्ट हुन नसक्दा यतिवेला जटिलता पैदा भएको छ ।
विस्तृत शान्ति संझौताःर सेना र हतियार सम्वन्धि संझौता
अर्को महत्वपूर्ण दस्तावेजका वारेमा चर्चा गर्दा विस्तृत शान्त्ाि संझौताका साथै सेना र हतियार सम्वन्धि संझौता अघि आउछ । यसमा पनि सेना समायोजन र पुनस्थापनाका वारेमा विसद चर्चा त गरियो तर पनि ईमान्दरिताका अभावमा र स्वार्थका कारणले त्यसको वुझाई र व्याख्यामा अन्तर आई परयो जसका कारण यसको मापदण्ड मोडालिटि संख्या र पद मिलानको वारेमा आजसम्म पनि विवाद नै कायम छ जसले शान्ति प्रकृयालाई सहज टुगोमा पुरयाउन कठिन वनाएको छ ।
अन्तरिम संविधानः
शान्ति प्रकृयाको अर्को दस्तावेज अन्तरिम संविधान हो जसमा विस्तृत शान्त संझौता र सेना र हतियार सम्वन्धि अनँुगमन र व्यवस्थापन सुंभौताका व्यवस्थाहरुलाई जस्ताको तस्तै राख्ने काम गरियो र शान्ति प्रकृयाका जटिलताहरुलाई संवैधानिकीकरण गर्ने काम त भयो तर त्यसले समाधानलाई सुझाउन भने सकेन । तै पनि हाम्रा सामु कायम रहेको संविधान र संविधानको अंग वनेका दस्तावेजहरु नै हुन समाधानका उपायहरु यी वाहेक अरु केही हुन सक्दैनन् खाली ती दस्तावेजहरुमा एकरुपमताको वुझाइ र ईमान्दारिता पूर्वक पालनाको प्रतिवद्धता अझै भनौ समाधानमुखी वुझाई र व्यख्या यसका महत्वपूर्ण पाटो हुन भन्ने नै हाम्रो व’झाई ह’न पर्दछ ।
त्यस पछि भएका अन्य संझोताहरुः
१२ वुदे देखि अन्तरिम संविकानसम्म औपचारिक संझोताहरु भए पनि त्यस पछि पनि दलहरु विचमा विभिन्न समयमा विभिन्न पक्षहरुसंग शान्ति प्रकृयाका वारेमा संझौताहरु हुने गरेका छन् ती संझोताहरुले नेपाली शान्ति प्रकृयाको स्पष्ट चित्र दिने पनि गरेको छ तर पनि ती संझोताहरुको औपचारिक हैसियत वा तिनको संवैधानिक हैसियत वा तिनले संवैधानिक हैसियतलाई काटन सक्ने क्षमताका वारेमा प्रश्न चिन्ह उठने गरेका कारणले पनि यो समस्या आई परेको हुन सक्दछ यसका अलावा पनि संवैधानिक व्यवस्थाको ईमान्दारितपूर्वक पालना र समस्याको सामुहिकिकरण र समान रुपमा जिम्मेवारी लिने कुराको अभाव अर्को समस्याका रुपमा खडा भएको छ ।
मुख्यतः नियतकै प्रश्न होः
संसदवादी दलहरु र माओवादीका वीचमा १२ वुदे सहमति गर्दा जे समझदारी भएको थियो त्यसलाई जस्ताको तस्तै पालना गरिदिएका भए वा संविधानसभाको चुनाव अघि नै सेना समायोजनकालागि तयार भैदिएका भए सायद अहिले यो समस्या आई पर्ने थिएन होला । १२ वुदे तयार गर्दै गर्दा जनमुक्ति सनाको वारेमा के हुन्छ भनेर सोधिदा शाही सेना राजाको पक्षमा लडेको र जनमुक्ति सेना मात्रै गणतन्त्रकालागि लडेको हुदा ती सवै राष्ट्रिय सेनामा समायेाजन हुन्छन भनिएको कुरा यतिवेला स्मरण गर्ने र ईमानका साथ पालना गरिदिने हो भने समस्याको गाठो नै फुक्ने थियो । फेरि संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन अगावै सोकाम गरिदिएका भए पनि समस्या यो हदको हुने थिएन त्यतिवला पनि राजा रहेसम्म क्याण्टेानमेण्टमा माओवादी सेना राख्न जरुरी छ अन्यथा राजाले संविधानसभाको च’नाव भाडने खतरा रहन्छ भनिएका कारणले तत्काल समायोजन भएन । आज ति दुवैथरी कुरा स्मरणको पनि चासो रहदैन यस खालको प्रवृत्तिले पनि समस्या वल्झाएको देखिन्छ ।
नया पहलकदमीको खाचोः
हिजो के कारणले समस्याहरु वल्झिएर रहे सो को चर्चा गरियो र तिनको चर्चा पटक पटक गर्न पर्दछ तर अव समाधानकालागि नया पकलकदमीको खाचो छ यसकालागि दुवै पक्षले एक अर्कामा सम्मान हुने गरेर वा एक अर्काको मर्म वुझने गरेर नै समाधान खोजियो भने मात्रै समाधान निकाल्न सकिन्छ अन्यथा समस्यालाई वल्झाउने वाहेक अरु केही हुनै सक्दैन । यसकालागि निम्न उपायहरु कामयावी हुन सक्दछन् ।
ड्डसवैभन्दा पहिला माओवादी सेना देश र जनताकालागि गणतन्त्र र संविधानसभाकालागि लडेको हो जो संभव तुल्याईसकेको छ । यसका साथै धर्मनिरपेक्षता संघीयता र समावेशिता पनि उसका एजेण्डाहरु हुन जुन कुरा यतिवेला संभव भैसकेका छन् त्यसकारण उ विजयी सेना हो । विजयी सेनाको सम्मान गर्न राज्यले सक्नुपर्छ । यसो गर्न राज्यले सक्ने हो भने माओवादी सेना तत्कालिन शाही सेनामा जागिर खान पद पाउन वा राहतका नाममा आकर्षक प्याकेज भन्दै सौदा गर्ने ठाउमा उभिने छैन यसकालागि उभिन सुहाउने पनि छैन । तर यो मान्यता दिन सकिएन भने उसकालागि सेनामा वा सम्वन्धित सुरक्षा निकायमा आकर्षक पद जिम्मेवारी वा सो नभए आकर्षक प्याकेज विकल्पमा आउछ । यो वास्तविकतालाई पहिला ध्यान दिन जरुरी छ ।
ड्डद्योश्रो तहमा माओवादी सेनाको व्यवसायीकरण र नेपाली सेनाको लोकतान्त्रिकरण आजको आवश्यकता हो यही आवश्यकताका आधारमा सेना समायेाजन र पुनस्थापनाको काम कारवाहीलाई अघि वढाउन पर्दछ ।यसकालागि माओवादी सेनाको सम्मानमा आच नआउने गरी उसले देश र जनताकालागि गरेको योगदानको कदर गर्दै उसले विगतमा गरेको सेवाको गणना गर्दै सोही आधारमा एकापसमा सम्मान जगाउने नै हिसावले समायोजनको कार्ययोजना वनाउ । यसकालागि समायोजन र पुनस्थापनाकालागि आवश्यक संख्या निर्धारण गरौ जो आपसी विश्वास जगाउने र माओवादी सेनाका हकमा सम्मान जाग्ने खालको नै होस । समायोजनको संख्या निर्धारण गर्दा दुवै पक्षको सख्या निर्धारण गरिराखिएको छैन भने यसमा अनावश्यक कन्जुस्या ीगर्न जरुरी छैन । माओवादी सेनाको ईच्छा र रुचिका आधारमा संख्या निर्धारण गर्नु नै वुद्धिमत्ता हुन आउछ ।
ड्डद्यर्जा मिलानका वारेमा कुरा गरिरहदा माओवादी सेना तत्कालिन शाही सेनालाई काउण्टर दिन सक्ने सेना हो । यसको हैसियत त्यसका आधारमा मापन गर्ने हो भने अव कु दर्जा दिने भन्ने कुरामा विवाद गर्न जरुरी छैन उ वरावरको हैसियत उसले कायम गरिसकेको छ । दुई समानान्तर सेनाको संवैधानिक हैसियत पनि उसले वनाईसकेको अवस्था छ । यो पहिलो तर्क हो हैन समाधानकालागि सवै लचिलो हुन पर्छ भन्ने हो भने त्यसकालागि सवैले आफना अडान छोडन पर्छ यसो गदा व्यवहारिकता र सम्मानमा आच नपुग्ने कुरालाई ख्याल राख्ने हो भने नेपाली सेनावाट प्रस्तावित मोडेल जसमा नया महानिर्देशनालय खडा गर्ने भनिएको छ त्यसको पहिलो हकदार माओवादी सेना नै हुन्छ यसमा विवाद गर्न जरुरी नै छैन । यसो गर्दा त्यहा रहने पदको पहिलो हकदार माओवादीलाई वनाउदै अरु पदहरुमा अनुपातिक ढंगले मिलान गर्न सकिन्छ । यसो भयो भने विवाद समाधान गर्न सकिन्छ ।
ड्डम्ापदण्डको कुरा गरिरहदा सेना सेना नै हो लुला लंगडाहरुको सेना वनाइएको छैन त्यसैले शारिरिक तन्दुरुस्ती नै उसको मापदण्ड हो यसलाई सवैले स्वीकार गर्ने कुरा समाधानमुखी हुनेछ । यो वाहेक अरु वहाना खोजियो भने समाधान नचाहने मनसाय नै झल्कने छ । त्यसो त नेपाली सेनाको प्रवक्ता व्हील चेयरमा हिडने र जर्नेलको पदमा पनि आसिन हुने कुराले मापदण्डमा लचिलो हुन सवैलाई प्रेरित गर्दछ । यति कुरा मात्रै ख्याल गर्ने हो भने युद्धका वखत आफनो अंग भंग भएका र अस्वस्थहरुकालागि पनि सेनामा स्थान सुरक्षित छ भन्ने कुरा नै प्रमाणित गर्दछ तथापि सेना सेना नै हो भन्ने कुरा आत्मसात गर्ने हो भने यो हदसम्म पनि जान जरुरी छैन खालि कुरा यति हो युद्धमा अंगभंग भएकाहरुलाई पनि राज्यले सम्मान नै गर्छ भन्ने सन्देश भने दिन जरुरी छ र सकिन्छ ।
ड्डपुनस्थापनाको सवाल केवल पैसाको सवाल हैन राज्यले दिने सम्मानको सावल पनि हो । एक पटक मन्त्री भएका मानिसहरु पि एस ओ लिएर हिडन मिल्छ एक पटक गृहमन्त्री भएकाहरु ऋगुवा र पछुवा लिएर हिडन मिल्छ भने एक पटक युद्ध लडेकाहरुकालागि केही व्यवस्थ ागर्न किन मिल्दैन यसरी हेर्दा पुनस्थापनाको वहुआयामीक प्याकेज तयार गर्न मार्ग प्रसस्त गर्दछ ।
ड्डमुख्य कुरा सत्ता हो सत्तामा भागवण्डा मिलेका दिनमा समस्यालाई हेनेृ एकै प्रकारको दृउष्टकोण वन्ने छ । एकै विषयमा दृष्टिकोण अलग अलग वन्यो भने पनि त्यो सत्तामा साझेदारी नमिलेका कारणले वनेको हो भन्ने कुरा स्पष्ट हुन आएको छ । त्यसैले मुलुकका समस्याहरुलाई पनि सत्ताको स्वार्थसंग दाजेर हेर्ने प्रचलन समाधान मुखी प्रचलन र व्यवहार पटक्कै हैन वरु समस्यामा सत्तामोह प्रदर्शन गर्ने प्रचलन हो । आन्तरिक वा वाह्य जहासुकै भए पनि आफनो स्वार्थ पूर्ति गर्ने साधनका रुपमा जनमुक्ति सेनालाई प्रयोग गर्ने उसलाई सिरानी हाल्ने र उसलाई भरयाड वनाएर कुसर्ी प्राप्त गर्ने खेल सोभनीय खेल पनि हैन र यो धेरै टिक्ने खेल पनि हैन तसर्थ यस तर्फ सवै गंभिर वन्न जरुरी छ ।
समाधानको विकल्प नै छैनः
शान्ति प्रकृया हाम्रो आफनै प्रकृया हो यसलाई समाधानमा पुरयाउनु वाहेक अर्को कुनै विकल्प हामीसंग छैन । यसलाई समाधान गर्न सकिएन भने यसको परिणाम धेरै नराम्रो हुनेछ । खासगरी जनमुक्ति सेनाको धैर्यता सधैभर कायम रहने छैन । उसलाई भरयाड वनाएर पद प्राप्त गरेको पनि उसले वुझेको छ र पद प्राप्त गर्नकालागि उसलाई तेस्र्याउने र उसका पक्षमा गोहीका आसु झार्ने गरेको पनि उसले वुझेको छ । उसको विवशतामा आफनो हित देख्ने प्रवृत्ति विल्कुल हितकर छैन । वेलैमा यस वारेमा सचेत वनौ अन्यथा हातमा हतियार भएको र हतियार चलाउन जानेको जनशक्ति विश्रृखलित हुनॆ अवस्थामा पुग्दा यसको परिणाम गंभिर हुने छ । त्यसैले त्यो गंभिरतालाई आमन्त्रण गर्नुभन्दा समाधानकालागि तयार वनौं । शान्ति र संविधानवाट संवृद्ध वन्दै अघि न

राष्ट्रिय सहमति र यसका आधारहरु

नेपाली राजनीतिमा सवैभन्दा वढी भनिएको तर नगरिएको शव्द सहमति यतिवेला फेरि चर्चामा छ । त्यसोत १२ वुदे सहमति देखि संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनसम्म सम्पन्न गर्दा सहमति कायम भएको पनि हो जसको परिणाम शाही कदमलाई परास्त गर्न जनआन्दोलन सम्पन्न गर्नअन्तरिम संविधान जारी गर्न संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन गर्न संभव भएको थियो निर्वाचन पछिको पहिलो वैठक जो गणतन्त्र घोषणा गर्न समर्थ भएको थियो यतिवेलासम्म नेपाली समाजमा खुशीको संचार छाएको थियो । तर गणतन्त्रको घोषणा पश्चात राष्ट्रपतिको व्यवस्थाका वारेमा कुरा नल्दिा पुरै राजनीतिमा गत्यारेाध आईपुग्यो । सविधानमा निकै छलफल र वुद्धिमत्तापुर्ण तरिकाले अपनाईएको सहमतिय मोडेललाई भत्काएर वहुमतीय मोडेलमा जाने कुरा सत्तापक्ष र विपक्षको अवधारणा ल्याउने कुराको प्रत्यक्ष असर शान्ति र संविधानमा परयो आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणको कुरा त धेरै टाढाको कुरा वन्न पुग्यो नेपाली राजनीतिको गहिरो धक्का यही वन्न पुग्यो । सत्ता पक्ष र विपक्षमा विभाजित राजनीतिले शान्ति संविधान र आर्थिक विकास जस्ता विषय असंभव प्राय नै थिए अहिले नेपाली धर्ति त्यसैको पिडा वोध गरि राखेको छ । संविधानसभाको निर्वाचन पछिको पहिलो गणतान्त्रिक सरकारको प्रधानमन्त्री प्रचण्ड वन्नुभो नेपाली कंग्रेस वाहेकको प्राय सवैको सहमति थियो लगभग असी प्रतिशतको समर्थनमा वनेको सरकार लगभग आफनै आन्तरिक कारण प्रधान वनेर ढल्न पुग्यो । राष्ट्रपतिको असंवैधानिक कदमका जगमा वनेको माधव नेपालको सरकार पनि पुरै असफल वनेर ढल्यो सहमतिको माला जप्दै वनेको सरकार झन सहमति कायम गर्नमा असफल वनेर आफनै पार्टी र अफनै गठवन्धन सहयात्रीको सहमति जुटाउन असफल भएर आफै राजिनामाको दिन तोकेर आफनो सरकारको दिन गनिराखेको छ । संविधान निर्माणको असी प्रतिशत काम सम्पन्न गर्न सफल प्रचण्ड सरकारले छाडेका वांकी विस प्रतिशत कामकालागि त्यस पछिका सरकार पुरै असफल रहे भने त्यही वाकी काम सम्पन्न गर्नकालागि सहमतिको सरकार फेरि पनि चाहिएको छ त्यही सहमतिको सरकारको थेगो अहिले पनि वनिराखेको छ ।
राजतन्त्रको अन्त पछि सामन्तवादका अवशेषहरुलाई प्रमुख दुश्मनमा चित्त नवुझाएर नेपाली कांग्रेसलाई त्यो स्थानमा देख्न शास्त्रिीय कम्युनिष्टको एकथरी सोच र परम्परागत आफनो सत्ता खोसिएको नमिठो अनुभूतिकासाथ रन्थनिएको नेपाली कांग्रेस चुनावको परिणामलाई आत्मसात गर्न नसक्ने अवस्थामा पुग्नु र माओवादीलाई प्राप्त जनमतलाई ठाडै अस्वीकार गर्नु नेपाली राजनीतिका ऐजेरुहरु रहे जसका कारण यतिका लामो अवधिसम्म न शान्ति न संविधान न आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्त्रणका सवालहरुले मुर्त रुप प्राप्त गर्न सके वरु दश वर्षको जनयुद्ध र जनआन्दोलनवाट प्राप्त उपलव्धी गुमाउने नै हदसम्म दलहरु लागि परेको त्यसको रक्षाकालागि दलहरुले योजना नवनाएको यथार्थ यतिवेला हाम्रा सामु विद्यामान छ ।
ज्ानयुद्धका उपलव्धीको रक्षाकालागि सहमतिः
गणतन्त्र जनयुद्धको महत्वपुर्ण उपलव्धी हो । राजतन्त्र र सामन्तवादका जराहरु गाउ गाउवाट उखल्ने काम जनयुद्धका दौरानमा भएको थियो । तत्कालिन सात दलसंगको सहकार्य सहितको जनआन्दोलन यसको परिणाम थियो । तर राजतन्त्रका जराहरु पूर्णतया समाप्त भैसकेका छैनन् र एक पटक समाप्त भैसकेको राजतन्त्रले पुन स्थापित हुने अवसर खोजिराखेको अवस्था पनि छ यसका साथसाथै निकै लामो संघर्षका साथ प्राप्त गणतन्त्रलाई नया संविधान मार्फत संस्थागत गर्ने कुरा अर्को जिम्मेवारी पनि हो । नया संविधान नवनाईकन राजतन्त्र अन्त भएर प्राप्त गणतन्त्र संस्थागत हुने अवस्थामा छैन । तसर्थ यस प्रयोजनकालागि सहमति आजको आवश्यकता हो ।
सविधमासभाको रक्षँँ र सफलताकालागि सहमतिः
संविधानसभा सहजै प्राप्त भएको विषय हैन । विगत ६१ व्र्षदेखिको माग वल्ल वल्ल पुरा भएको अवस्था हो । संविधानसभा संभव तुल्याउन माओवादी जनयुद्ध मुख्य रुपमा जिम्मेवार छ । यसको अभावमा असंभव प्राय थियो । संविधानसभाका लागि मात्रै हजारौ योद्धाहरुको शहादत भएको हो । कैयन वेपत्ता छन् कैयन वन्दी घाईते र जोखिमपुर्ण जीवन विताउन वाध्य छन् यस्तो महंगो र क्षतिपूर्ति गर्न असंभव योगदानवाट मात्रै प्राप्त भएको हो संविधान सभा तसर्थ जो यो योगदानलाई स्वीकार गर्न चाहदैनन् उनीहरु संविधानसभा चाहदैनथे र नचाहदानचाहदै प्राप्त भएको संविधानसभा सफल भएको देख्न चाहेका छैनन् तसर्थ यस्तो जोखिममा रहेको संविधानसभालाई कुनै पनि मुल्यमा जोगाउनु यतिवलाको आवश्यकता हो । यसकालागि सहमति अनिवार्य छ । कामसेकम संविधानसभाका पक्षधरहरु यसलाई जोगाउने मामलामा सहमत हुन जरुरी छ ।
ज्ानताको संविधानकालागि सहमित
इतिलेलाको संविधानसभाको संरचनाले जनवादी संविधान पनि हैन र विगतको संविधानको निरन्तरता पनि हैन । दुवैको वीचवाट कमसेकम प्रगतिशिल आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणलाई सहज वनाउने खालको संविधान वन्न संभव छ । तर यही संविधान वनाउनकालागि पनि सहमतिको खाचो छ कसैले पनि आफैले चाहेजस्तो संविधान वनाउन पर्याप्त मत पाएका छैनन् सवैको सहकार्यमा जनताको जीवनस्तर उकास्न सकने र जनताको सामाजिक सुरक्षा र लोककल्याणकारी व्यवस्थ ागने खालको संविधान यतिवेलाको खाचो हो यो व्यवस्थाकालागि पनि सहमति जरुरी छ । जसलाई जनताको संविधान हामीले भनेका छौ त्यसकालागि हाम्रा मात्रै मतले पुग्दैन संविधान वनाउन चाहिने मत दुईतिहाई हामीले जुटाउनै पर्दछ यसकालागि पनि सहमतिको खाचो छ । फेरि सहमति के आधारमा पनि आवश्यक छ भने हामी जनवादी संविधान वनाउन हिडेकाहरु प्नि र पुरानै राजतन्त्रवादी संविधान जोगाउन वसेकाहरु प्नि दुवैथरी संझौतामा आएका हुन । यो संझौताको मर्म र जनताको जनादेश यतिवेलाका सहमतिका आधार वन्न पर्छ यसो भएमा सहमतिय सहकार्य फलिभुत हुने छ ।
शान्तिकालागि सहमतिः
नेपाली जनता भिषण युद्धमा थिए आफनो अधिकारको प्राप्तीकालगि भनेर मान्ने हो भने माओवादी जनयुद्ध भिन्न प्रकारको युद्धको निरन्तरता नै थियो । यस अघि पनि नेपाली जनताले आफना दुश्मनका विरुद्ध वेला वखतमा नलडेका हैनन् । यी सवै लडाईहरु दिर्घकालिन शान्तिका लािग थिए । यदि हामी त्यो मिशनमा प्रतिवद्ध छौ भने युद्धका वदत खडा गरिएको सैन्य संरचनाको विघटन हैनकि त्यसको स्वरुपमा परिवर्तनको खाचो हो । जनमुक्ति सेनालाई गुरिल्ला युद्धको अनुभव संगसंगै नियमित सेनाको अनुभव वाट लैस वनाउदै व्यवसायीकरण गर्दै राष्ट्र हितका पक्षमा अुभै जुझारु व्ानाउने र शाही सेना अहिले नेपाली सेनामा वदलिएको छ त्यसलाई लोकतान्त्रिकरण गरेर नया राष्ट्रिय सेनाको निर्माण गर्ने कुरा नै यतिवेलाको कार्यभार हो । यसकालागि पनि सहमति जरुरी छ । राष्ट्रिय सहमति विना यो काम पूरा गर्न सकिन्न भन्ने कुरा विगतका वहुमतीय सरकारका कार्यकाल साछी छन् ।
जनताको आर्थिक विकासकालागि सहमतिः
आधारभूत जनताको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण जनयुद्ध र जनआन्दोलन सवैको धेय थियो । यसको मतलव यस अघिका शासन व्यवस्था र आर्थिक व्यवस्थापनहरु ज्नहितकारी थिएनन् त्यसैकारणले जनताको आर्थिक विकासमा तिनले ध्यान दिन सकेनन् भन्ने नै यतिवेलाको निष्कर्ष हो । जव राजनैतिक परिवर्तन उपरिसंरचना मात्रै हो र यसको आधार भनेको आर्थिक सम्वन्ध हो भनेर हामी मान्दछौ भने र आर्थिक आधार विना उपरिसंरचना टिक्न सक्दैनौ भन्ने कुरालाई मान्दछौ भने आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणको यो मामलामा हामी गंभिर हुनै पर्छ हामीले प्राप्त गरेको राजनैतिक उपलव्धीको रक्षाका खातिर पनि आर्थिक विकास जरुरी छ भन्ने कुरामा हामी सहमत हुनै पर्दछ र जनताको आर्थिक सामाजिक विकासकालागि सहमत हुन जरुरी छ ।
राष्ट्रिय एकताका निम्ती सहमतिः
ह्ाम्रा मनहरु प्ाुटेका छन् हामी विभाजित भएका छौ र यो मन फाटाई अझै लम्विदै जाने हो भने यसले विखण्डनको रुप नलेला भन्न पनि सकिदैन । तसर्थ यस संवेदनशिल घडीमा हामीले हाम्रा सोचाईहरुलाई फराकिलो वनाउदै हाम्रा चिन्तनहरुलाई व्यवहारमा विशाल वनाउदै सवैका भावनाहरुलाई समेटदै राष्ट्रिय एकताको भावनाको जागृत गदै अगाडि वडन जरुरी छ यो अवस्था सहमित विना संभव छैन । विविधतायुक्त नेपाली समाजको मर्मलाई वोध गर्दै सवैको पहिचान र अधिकारलाई सुनिश्चित गर्दै सवै वर्ग समुदायलाई अधिकारसम्पन्न वनाउदै राष्ट्रिय एकताको प्रवर्धन गर्न सकिने यथार्थलाई आत्मसात गर्दै राष्ट्रिय एकता वनाई राख्ने आजको आवश्यकता हो यसकालागि पनि सहमतिको खाचो छ ।
ज्नताको आत्मवल वढाउन पनि सहमतिः
इतिवेला नेपाली जनतामा राजनैतिक दल र पार्टीहरु प्रति नकारात्मक धारणाको विकास भएको छ । नेताहरु खालि कुसर्ीकालागि मन्त्री वन्नकालागि झगडा गर्छन भन्ने कुरा सवैले देख्ने गरी स्थापित भएको । दलहरु देश र जनताका एजेण्डाहरुप्रति वेखवर रहेको पद प्राप्ती र सुविधाको खोजिमा भौतारिएको जस्ता आरोपहरु ऋव सत्य ठहरिन थालेका छन् । शान्ति संविधान जनताको आर्थिक विकास जस्ता विषयहरु अव त सुनिन पनि छाडि सके । यस्तो अवस्थामा दल र नेताहरुलाई दवता नै मान्ने आम जनता यतिवेला निराश छन् । जनताको यो निराशा देशको उन्नतिको हिसावले पटक्कै राम्रो लक्षण होईन । यसकारण जनताको यो मनोभावनालाई वदल्न जनतालाई निराशावाट मुक्त गर्न पनि माथि उल्लेखित ऐजेण्डा केन्द्रित पद केन्द्रित होईन सहमतिको खाचो छ त्यसकालागि माथिका एजेण्डामा प्रतिवद्ध नेताको नेतृत्वमा सहमतिको सरकार वनाउन र देश र जनताका वांकी कार्यभार पूरा गर्न जरुरी छ । यसकालागि राष्ट्रिय सहमति एकमात्रै विकल्प हो । परिणाममुखी राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको आधार तयार पार्दै सोही आधारमा राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकार निर्माण गरौ र शान्ति संविधान र आर्थिक विकास जस्ता ऐजेण्डा पूरा गरौं यसैमा देश जनता दल नेता र कार्यकर्ताको हित छ फगत पद र कुसर्ीको मोहले यो कुरा संभव छैन ।

Gmail - Article BY Khimlal Devkota - khimlaldevkota@gmail.com

Gmail - Article BY Khimlal Devkota - khimlaldevkota@gmail.com

Leadership Philosophy

Leadership Philosophy

हिमाल खबरपत्रिका | संविधान बनाउने बलिया आधार

हिमाल खबरपत्रिका | संविधान बनाउने बलिया आधार

Gmail - (no subject) - khimlaldevkota@gmail.com

Gmail - (no subject) - khimlaldevkota@gmail.com

Khimlal Ko Article Sansar: Maoist Movement of Nepal Development of Tactics and Strategies Feeling and experiences

Khimlal Ko Article Sansar: Maoist Movement of Nepal Development of Tactics and Strategies Feeling and experiences

Maoist Movement of Nepal Development of Tactics and Strategies Feeling and experiences

Maoist Movement of Nepal Development of Tactics and Strategies
Feeling and experiences






Presented by
Khimlal Devkota
Attorney/CA Member
Nepal








Submitted to
Conference held jointly by Goldsmiths,University of London and University of Oxford
at Wolfson Collage,Oxford on 11th and 12th July 2011
 
Contents
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3
Part One 4
1 INTRODUCTION 4
1.1 General introduction 4
1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and the Nepalese society 4
Part Two 6
2 THEORITICAL DEVELOPMENT 6
2.1 Historical facts about revolution: 6
2.2 Reassessment of Nepali history 6
2.3 Recognizing the ground realities 7
2.4 Conclusion drawn: 8
2.5 Objectives: focused on specific objective 8
Part Three 10
3 IMPLEMENTATION 10
3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution 10
3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and tactics 10
3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection 11
3.4 Series of tactics envisioned 11
3.5 Preliminary review of historical initiation of People's war 12
3.6 Development of MLM: Nepal specific as Prachandapath 14
3.7 Development of democracy in 21st century 15
Part Four 18
4 PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MLM IN NEPALI CONTEXT 18
4.1 Chunbang meeting: major event 18
4.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event 18
4.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Parisdanda: 18
Part Five 20
5 TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND STRATEGIC RIGIDITY 20
5.1 Tactics and strategies 20
5.2 Our responsibility of changing time 23
5.3 Imperialism of the 21st century 23
5.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century 24
Part Six 25
6 MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS 25
Part Seven 26
7 CONCLUSION 26


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Nepal, country with full of diversity in terms of geography, culture, economy, religion, ethnicity social characters and structures and several others, is fertile for creating revolutionary environment. On this backdrop, various political movements have engaged us of which a decade long people's war is the most prominent of all. The first part of the paper deals with general background of the Maoist movement, Nepal's demography and the character of the then Nepalese society.
Second part deals with theoretical aspect of the Maoist movement in Nepal, theoretical development on the basis of historical fact, reassessment of historical development and understanding of ground reality of Nepalese society to begin the people's movement. Concrete analysis of concrete situation is a maxim is trying to apply in Nepali context. This part deals with the detailed analysis of the characteristics of Nepalese society and envisioning the pragmatic path to make it compatible with Marxism in contemporary situation. In Nepal we tried to develop it in compatible with the changing context of 21st century and proper implementation in Nepalese context. Focused on specific objective with appropriate manner is the key to success of the Maoist movement.
Part three is focused on theoretical development of MLM in Nepalese context and its implementation. Pragmatic approach of the MLM in Nepal and its maneuver to explain class analysis based on the finding of problems on strategy and tactics adopted by Russian model of revolution or Chinese model i.e. protected people's war of urban insurrection, the development of prachandapath and model of democracy in 21st century are embodied in this section.
Fourth part of the paper explains the practical development of Marxism in Nepal context with some popularly known events such as Chunbang meeting, Balaju, Kharipati, Palungtar plenum and Perisdanda meeting.
The fifth part of the paper provides better insight on the experience of tactical flexibility and strategic rigidity and its relevance to the Maoist's movement in Nepal based on my experience.. It also highlights our historical responsibility, Marxism, imperialism and the rising of the middle class of 21st century.
Part six is focused on major achievement of the Maoist movement such as declaration of republic, election of CA, inclusiveness, federalism, secularism etc. Part seven is the conclusion which provides the plausible explanation behind the achievements of the Maoist movement in Nepal. It emphasizes on the pragmatic approach with the up to date analysis of the national and international milieu is the first and foremost factor for the uprising of any political movement and for the socio-economic transformation.


Part One
1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 General introduction
Nepal is a landlocked country, which is surrounded from three sides by the expansionist India and in the north surrounded by the reformist China. It has diverse geographical terrain along with diversity in culture, ethnicity, language and climate. A large section of the Nepalese people is spread in different countries for employment, mainly in India for army and other kinds of jobs.
In Nepal, a centralized reactionary state equipped with a modern, powerful and lavish army and a bureaucracy with centralized governing system has been in existence. The economic and resource distribution has been uneven. Nepal is predominantly rural and the exploited peasants, who represent 90% of the total population, are spread in these villages.
The Nepalese peasants and other sections of the masses have passed through a process of different form of struggles both local and countrywide for a long time. There is widespread attraction towards the Communists among the people. However, the influence of reformism and right revisionism is also strong here. There has been virtually no direct experience of armed struggle under the leadership of the Communist Party in Nepal. The reactionary ruling classes of the semi-feudal & semi-colonial Nepal, where the medieval monarchy still prevails, are undergoing intense crisis and this crisis has started manifesting politically as well in a serious manner.
1.2 Specific characteristics of the then Nepal and the Nepalese society
Centuries of poverty and inequality, social and political exclusion, gender, caste and ethnic based discrimination, skewed distribution of the resources of production, and corruption and bad governance were the primary characteristics of the then Nepalese society. These features of the then Nepalese society were predominant in remote areas of Mid-Western and Far-Western Development Regions.
These frustrations were particularly high in the Mid-Western and Far-Western Development Regions and other remote areas, where poverty is widespread. The unwillingness of the state to invest in infrastructure, such as roads, schools, hospitals, electricity, drinking water and irrigation exacerbated social exclusion and structurally embedded poverty. Spatial disparities caused feelings of injustice. The table below highlights the major characteristics and the environment of the then Nepalese society the fuelled the movement.
 
Characteristics

Observations


Structural
(social-economic) Rampant poverty and widespread unemployment
Injustice, inequalities and discrimination based on class, caste, gender, ethnicity and geography
Centralized, power-based and corrupt governing system
Denial of access to, and control over, production resources and lack of basic services to poor and marginalized sections of society
Constitutional failure
Ideological Lack of conceptual clarity, ideological confusion and operation contradictions within parliament and political parties.

Geographical Geographical isolation
Ignorance and marginalization of remote and inaccessible areas
Concentration of resources in city centers and accessible areas
International








Other Causes
Growing interests of powerful nation (political; economic, i.e. in natural resources/water; historical legacies; religious; strategic and military), particularly the multiple interest of India and the USA and consequent changes in the global security paradigm and responses
Various interests of influential external actors (World Bank, Asian Development bank, International Monetary Fund, others)
Changing international responses after the royal coup of 1 February 2005
Other causes Demographic stresses in environmental resources
Unsustainable exploitation of the natural resources
Denial of access of the poor and marginalized people to the natural resources
Skewed distribution of the land resources
Inequity and exploitation of people whose livelihood are based on the natural resources by the powerful elites.
Politicization of the bureaucracy and security
Institutionalized culture of denial and inaction
Vested interests (both political and personal) of powerful actors
Rampant corruption and moribund governance
Favoritism and nepotism
Strategy of palace and political parties to use the armed insurgency as the means to gain and consolidate power
Development mismatch and failure
Royal massacre of 1 June 2001
Failure of various political leadership
King's direct involvement in politics since 4 October 2002
Psychological factors- revenge and retaliation
Royal coup of February of 1 2005

Part Two
2 THEORITICAL DEVELOPMENT
2.1 Historical facts about revolution:
History of the Nepalese communist party dates back to half a century. During those years several initiatives were taken without any tangible achievements. Nepali Congress adopted the armed struggle in pursuit of democracy against the tyranny of Rana regime at the time when the spawning communist movements were not in their capacity to adopt it. Later on, the communist movement has taken various forms and essences. People were very supportive to the Communist party. However the fledging communist movements were mired by intra party struggle, rifts and division and this has became the characteristic of the communist parties. Even in the short duration of time different fractions of the Communist party have been emerged. The time period of around 1950's Jhapa Revolt, 1972, 1980's and 90's movements were led by communist parties but most of them were mass-movements not related with communist movement. Communist parties were limited to reading, writing, publishing statements, division and counter and encounter each other. So, without proper reassessment of the situation another revolution was out of imagination.
2.2 Reassessment of Nepali history
A. The analysis of the reactionaries that the king and monarch are deep-rooted in the Nepalese society is not true. Before the emergence of centralized feudal state, democratic system of tribal type prevailed and had a great influence in Nepal, and the tradition of electing, changing and sentencing the king to death, if required, shows that by king it was meant nothing at all other than a ‘tribal hero or leader’ at that time. Therefore, the tradition of the Nepalese society has not been monarchist but democratic and autonomy-oriented. It was only after the emergence of the centralized feudal state in a certain stage of development of class division that attempts had been made to unnaturally impose the king and monarchism through the practices of the system of reward-and-punishment and divine theory.
B. The shameful defeat in the war with British-India and nature of the treaty signed indicate the contradiction and alliance of feudalism and imperialism. Though Nepal became semi-colonial, the war played an important role in exposing the national capitalist character of feudal ruling classes and developing patriotic and national feeling of modern sense amongst the people. The contradiction of that time between the Bhimsen Thapa trend that did not want to kneel down to the British, and the king and Jang Bahadur trend that acted as their stooges, can still be found among the Nepalese ruling classes today. At a time when contradiction between imperialism and oppressed countries is the principle one, it is of great importance that the proletarian class correctly understands the historical contradictions and deals with them for the cause of democratic revolution.
C. The centralized feudal state has imposed Hindu feudal and Brahmanist ethnic chauvinism on lingual, ethnic, religious, cultural and traditional rights of people of various communities, nationalities and religions of Nepal and thereby hindered the natural development of genuine national unity and power. Therefore, the New Democratic revolution needs to lay the foundation of a consolidated national unity on the basis of equality and freedom in accordance with the right of nations to self-determination.
D. Following the denial of minimum political rights to information and activities by the Rana regime for a long time, and very delicate and fragile economic base of other classes, except the feudal and bureaucratic and comprador classes, the class-base and identity of political parties have not been very strong and mature. This is what has caused the formation of and disappearance of many political parties from 1950 onwards and trend of making drastic changes even in the basic policies now and then. Political difference between the Party of the proletariat and the elements that represent the feudal and comprador and bureaucratic capitalist classes is evident. Political fluidity resulting from the fluidity of economic class base does not only exist in a Party of the proletariat but also poses a great threat to it. Therefore, the Party should always make efforts and struggle to be flexible with due consideration to the fluidity of other political groups and to protect itself from its influence.
E. The major subjective factor behind the failure in making due political advancement even after the continuous struggle of the Nepalese people since around 1950 and their dedication, devotion and sacrifices displayed in them, is nothing but the reformism and revisionism dominant in the Nepalese communist movement. The main characteristic of the Nepalese revisionism has been the deviation from the historical need of leadership of the proletariat in the bourgeois democratic revolution. It always harped on the policy of following various groups of reactionary classes, instead of developing independent revolutionary struggle for the workers and peasants under the leadership of the proletariat with the question of seizing state power in command. Eventually, the reactionaries have always been successful to betray the people. After the launching of People’s War led by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), things have changed qualitatively.
2.3 Recognizing the ground realities
o As Nepal is a semi-feudal & semi-colonial country reeling under the double exploitation & oppression of feudalism & imperialism,
o As a large proportion of population (more than 91%) constitutes of the pauperized, landless, poor and lower class peasants scattered over the vast rural areas,
o As the condition of organization, struggle and mass consciousness is uneven due to the unevenness of Nepal’s condition of economic, political and social development,
o As the condition of development of industries in the cities is very backward and hence the modern working class is very weak both in the qualitative and quantitative sense,
o As the enemy’s force is particularly centralized in the cities,
o As, according to the experiences of class struggle in the era of imperialism, it is possible to develop a militant & revolutionary Party, new culture & revolutionary people’s movement and to bring about radical change in society only by moving ahead along the path of People’s War from the very beginning,
o As revolution is the main trend in the present world passing through a process of barbaric imperialist war and great upheavals and to lead a revolution means essentially to lead People’s War,
o As the enemy force is much more powerful as compared to that of the revolutionaries,
2.4 Conclusion drawn:
It is essential to focus our attentions on the following historical conclusions:
• Even general reforms taken as a byproduct of violent and illegal struggle
The reactionary propaganda that the Nepalese people are peace loving and that they don’t like violence is absolutely false. It is an incontrovertible fact that the Nepalese people have been waging violent struggles for their rights since the historical times. Till today whatever general reforms have been gained by the Nepalese people, behind them there was the force of violent and illegal struggles of the people.
• Nepali peoples are great warrior of the world.
The Nepalese people are very conscious & sensitive about the question of nationalism and that they feel proud to lay down their lives while fighting rather than submit to the domination of the foreigners. From the year 1951 onwards till today, mainly the Nepalese peasants and other sections of the people have been joining in countless number of violent & armed conflicts against the reactionary state and the anti-establishment feelings among the Nepalese people has been very strong. The Nepalese people are the great warriors in the world who are known for their ability to bear the severe material and bodily hardships while fighting.
• Fighting against imperialist and feudal forces is greatest responsibility.
The domestic & foreign reactionaries including the revisionist elements have been time & again ditching & conspiring against the fighting tendency of the Nepalese people. Today the greatest responsibility has fallen upon the revolutionaries to initiate armed struggle methodically and consciously against feudalism & imperialism and to complete the New Democratic revolution by representing that great historical legacy.
2.5 Objectives: focused on specific objective
To attain the goal of establishing a New Democratic republic the following policies were formulated:
1. To oppose the monarchical parliamentary multi-party system and to accelerate propagandist agitation in favor of the New Democratic system.
2. To build a revolutionary, militant and new type of Communist Party.
3. To build a revolutionary united Front as an instrument of struggle and an embryo of the new power.
4. To lay emphasis on the preparations of people’s war.
5. To develop a patriotic and democratic movement against feudalism, imperialism and Indian expansionism.
6. To accelerate rural class struggle centering on the slogan of land to the tiller and to concentrate main force on the same.
7. To develop class and mass organizations, to establish Party leadership over them and to develop people’s movement in favor of their problems.
8. To pay special attention to expand the Party to lower classes, oppressed ethnic groups, tribes and depressed castes and to the rural and remote areas.
9. To accord priority to the illegal works and works in the rural areas, to develop as secondary activities the legal and urban works and coordinate the two spheres of activities.
10. To support national liberation, New Democratic and socialist movements all over the world, to emphasize on proletarian internationalism and to develop relations and contacts with the fraternal parties and organizations the world over.
11. To oppose & expose all forms of revisionism.
12. To propagate Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in a systematic manner.

Part Three
3 IMPLEMENTATION
3.1 Class analysis: motivating force of the revolution
A. The Proletariat: workers in modern industries & factories are the most revolutionary class of the society. For the success of New Democratic revolution, this class has the historical responsibility of identifying and giving leadership to other allied classes.
B. The Farm Workers: Bonded laborers, landless peasants, porters, and poor peasants, and, in our case, in the cities the cart pullers, rickshaw pullers, drivers of tempos, taxis, and transport & hotel workers, etc.,
C. Middle Peasants: Those who live with difficulty even after working hard on their land throughout the year and who also take some land on contract or on share-cropping basis. In the hilly regions of Nepal these peasants outnumber other classes. For the New Democratic Revolution this class is an important motivating force.
D. Rich Peasants: Those who can have good livelihood through their land; they are able to employ few laborers in their work despite their own participation in their farm work and are able to accumulate part of their income through exploitation. This class is a vacillating ally for the New Democratic Revolution.
E. Petty - Bourgeois Class: In this class are included the teachers of schools & colleges, students, doctors, engineers, lawyers, junior office workers, petty traders of towns, retail traders, craftsmen, etc.
F. National Bourgeoisie: In Nepal although it (i.e. the national bourgeoisie) doesn’t have an independent role it is slowly taking form. These kinds of capitalists who are involved in small handicraft and modern industries and trade are at one end dreaming of amassing the wealth by exploiting the workers, and at the other end they are being run over by the monopolist comprador and bureaucratic capitalists. Hence they naturally show contradictory character towards the revolution. Used to changing the character according to the situation, this class will remain a vacillating ally of the revolution.
3.2 Findings of analysis: problem of strategy and tactics
In the present era of imperialism & proletarian revolution, the enemy class is practicing various forms of conspiratorial strategies to stop revolution in countries like ours. Amongst them we must focus our attention on the following, because we can’t arrive at a correct strategy without understanding the strategy of the enemy.
1. Because of its monopolistic hold over the communication over the whole world at this time, the enemy is launching a disinformation campaign with deliberate propaganda about ‘terrorism’, ‘fall of socialism’ and the superiority and success of capitalism and is attempting to lower the morale of the people through the strategy of psychological warfare.
2. It is unleashing vicious cultural war through the flooding of vulgar culture and literature in order to corrupt the minds & souls of the people.
3. All the imperialist forces and the reactionary ruling classes of each country are campaigning strategically by spreading the network of well trained and technically equipped spies and attempting to infiltrate into the revolutionary Party in order to collect information, to create illusions inside the party, to carry out destructive activities and to arrest or kill the genuine revolutionary leaders or activists of the Party.
4. They are inventing new forms of reforms & democracy in order to confuse the people politically.
5. Under the strategy of preventing revolution in a country like ours the networks of NGOs and INGOs have been spread in order to engage some educated middle class people, to prevent them from falling below the middle class and to entrap the people in the petty reformist mirage.
6. They are encouraging unemployed youths to get scattered all over the world and to wander in India in the name of employment. The youths are being used as mercenary soldiers in foreign armies.
7. The imperialists are polluting the minds of the people through propagation of religion and other means after entering into rural areas with attractive slogans.
8. If despite all these and other innumerable traps the revolutionary movement rises up then they start a campaign of heinous genocide through their powerful standing army. In short, in the present era, the strategy of the enemy of the people is that of a total war.
3.3 Debate on protracted war or urban insurrection
Till now the international proletariat has experienced two fundamentally different forms of armed struggle in two fundamentally different conditions as successful & scientifically proved. They are: (1) the strategy of general insurrection of capturing first the city and the central power in the capitalist & imperialist countries, and (2) the strategy of protracted People’s War of encircling the city from the countryside in the oppressed semi-feudal, semi-colonial countries. In the current world situation we have to decide upon a strategy as suited to the general economic, political and social conditions of our country and carry forward organization, struggle and propaganda works accordingly. To remain noncommittal or silent on the question is to fall a victim to spontaneity & inaction and is merely to move towards the quagmire of reformism. Viewing from this perspective,
3.4 Series of tactics envisioned
In our situation, the armed struggle can be initiated, sustained and developed only through a skillful implementation of a policy which would go like this
• Give priority to the rural work, but do not leave out the urban work;
• Give priority to illegal struggle, but do not leave out the legal struggle, too;
• Give priority to specific strategic areas, but do not leave out work related to the mass movement, too;
• Give priority to class struggle in rural areas, but do not leave out countrywide struggle, too;
• Give priority to guerrilla actions, but do not leave out political exposure & propaganda, too;
• Give priority to propaganda work within the country but do not leave out worldwide propaganda, too;
• Give priority to build army organization, but do not leave out to build front organizations, too;
• Give priority to relying on one’s own organization and force, but do not miss to forge unity- in- action, to take support & help from international arena.
Neither by getting one-sided, nor by giving equal emphasis on all work can the People’s War be initiated, preserved and developed in the present context. From this point of view the People’s War will unfold as a total war.
The successful development of People’s War in Nepal will be governed by decentralized actions based on central policy, by launching actions at different isolated spots of the enemy and by applying large force against small forces in order to get quick victory, by adopting hit & run tactics, by promoting guerrilla actions under the centralized plan from different parts of the country but by giving special attention to specific strategic areas, and as Mao has said, by organizing and mobilizing as many people as possible and as fast as possible and with as good a method as possible while placing the question of capturing political power at the centre.
3.5 Preliminary review of historical initiation of People's war
“From the particular characteristics of war there arise a particular set of organizations, a particular series of methods and a particular kind of process... Hence war experience is a particular kind of experience. And who takes part in war must rid themselves of their customary ways and accustom them to war before they can win victory.”- Mao Tse-tung, “On Protracted War”
1. The plan of the Party to initiate the People’s War has been implemented. A great process representing the qualitative leap in the development of class struggle in the Nepalese society and in the Party life has been initiated. This great initiation and its impact and success are an indicator of victory and glory of the almighty ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism of the world proletariat in general and of the Nepalese proletariat and oppressed masses in particular.
2. In this great process of initiation of the People’s War, the revolutionary thought, policies and plans of the Party were translated into practice as a physical force, and on the basis of this live practical experience, the door is opened for further development and refinement of those thought, policies and plans. In the history of the Nepalese communist movement beset with metaphysics and idealism, this process has represented the correct implementation of the dialectical materialist theory of knowledge. This has been a scientific and powerful blow to the revisionist proposition of ‘from thought to thought’ and ‘from reform to reform’.
3. This historic initiation of the People’s War has given practical expression to the theory of army as the principal form of organization and war as the principal form of struggle through different forms of armed squads and guerilla actions. Actions during the initiation and the continuation periods were able to put the Maoist People’s War in the centre of national politics of the country. The level, nature and number of armed actions and the level of their propaganda and publicity achieved within a short span of one month should in itself be a unique experience for a Maoist Party of any country in the present day world. In this process, the specificities of the Nepalese revolution, the crisis of the reactionary state and the level of development of the class struggle and the Party have all been manifested simultaneously.
4. One of the main goals specified by the Party in the plan for the historic initiation was to put the politics of armed struggle in the forefront in the country. This goal has been achieved more than ordinarily expected. The politics of armed struggle in Nepal has now been established firmly not only among the general masses of the Nepalese people but to a certain extent at the international level as well. Similarly, the goals of preparing ground for developing certain strategic areas into guerilla zones and of transforming the forms of organization and struggle have also been satisfactorily achieved.
5. The historical initiation of the People’s War has created new problems, contradictions and crises for all the political groups and sub-groups whether inside or outside the reactionary government in the country. This has intensified the crisis brewing within the entire reactionary state. Even the arch reactionary elements could not deny that it is a political issue for fear of their getting exposed before the masses because of the appeal made by the Party to the wide masses of the people along with the analysis of the grave situation of the country at present and because of the level, quality and range of armed actions and propaganda. This process has intensified the contradictions among different reactionary factions within the government and within the factions themselves.
Political parties, organizations, independent intellectuals and general masses of the people that have helped and supported in various ways the process of the People’s War led by the Party, constitute the revolutionary camp.

In essence, the great process of the initiation of the People’s War has made a direct and massive impact in the politics of the country and has enhanced the possibilities of utilizing from new heights the contradictions developing in new forms. The Party should be alert in practicing Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on this question.
Future Strategy
The initiation of the People’s War was historic; but now the grave question of whether we are able or not to continue and defend and develop it, is looming large before the Party. At the moment, the attention of the politically conscious masses, intellectual community and all others is centered on what would be the next plan of the Party and whether or not we would be able to preserve and develop what has been newly given birth to. Only through a serious coordination of the universal principle of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the experiences of the historic initiation of the People’s War can we formulate a correct future plan of the Party. In this context, we should first of all pay serious attention to the following points:
1. We should constantly keep in mind that despite all the specificities, the character of the People’s War in Nepal is protracted. In the present condition of the balance of forces, the enemy wants to drag us into a decisive war, but we on our part, want to avoid it and prolong the war. The enemy uses the strategy of offence but we use the strategy of defense. The enemy wants to incite us and draw us into confrontation according to his own convenience, but we want to harass the enemy, tire him out and attack him at his weak points at the time and place of our convenience according to our own plan.
2. The enemy wants to keep us apart from the struggle for the people’s immediate problems and wants to cut off our relations with the masses. We, however, do not want to be cut off from the live contact with the masses at any cost. Our policies and programmers should guarantee our constant interactions with the masses because the Party has no separate interest other than the interests of the masses, and otherwise there would be no rationale for the existence of the Party.
3. We should have a clear understanding that the danger of making wrong policies and programmers in the Party is inherent in the vacillating character of the petty-bourgeois class in Nepal. This class has the tendency of getting overexcited and jumping into adventurism after a minor victory, and the tendency of getting disheartened and moving towards capitulationism after a minor defeat. We must wage relentless ideological and political struggle against the tendency of dragging the Party in the direction of either adventurism or capitulationism. In the present situation of the enemy in the offensive, the capitulationism tendency is more dangerous for the Party.
4. The historical initiation of the People’s War is a rebellion, indeed, of far-reaching consequences, against the existing state and exploitation and oppression since thousands of years. But in the present stage of socioeconomic formation and development of class struggle in Nepal, this is not an armed insurrection to capture the central state power immediately. The process of protracted people’s war is the process of construction of revolutionary Party, revolutionary struggle, revolutionary power and revolutionary army, from the simple to the complex. In the context of the beginning of such a new and qualitative process through the historic initiation of the People’s War by the Party and the widespread propagation of the politics of armed struggle, it is necessary now to concentrate on the development of guerilla war in a planned way and based on the principle of protracted People’s War and on our own specificities.
(Excerpts from a document adopted by the meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Party held in third week of March 1996.)
3.6 Development of MLM: Nepal's specific as "Prachandapath"
The founding of new unity on a new basis laid a concrete ideological and organizational ground for conducting “Rectification Campaign” as directed by the Fourth Extended Meeting of the Central Committee. The same meeting worked out the Fifth Plan for the PW. The Fifth Plan period which had succeeded in lifting the whole People’s War to a new height of development occupies an important place in our Party history for the following reasons-
1. In the very beginning of this plan implementation, alternative Politburo Member Com. Suresh Wagle (Basu) was martyred in Gorkha. His great martyrdom set up new and high records of sacrifice in the People’s War and intensified the resentment of the masses against the enemies all over the country. It further established the revolutionary image of the Party among the people.
2. In the middle of the Fifth Plan “Rectification Campaign” was conducted by the Central Committee, which strengthened ideological and emotional unity of the Party. The campaign, which was conducted to the lowest level, developed substantially the ideological level and efficiency of the Party to fight against the opportunism.
3. During this plan period, qualitatively high-level military successes were achieved in all regions in general and the Western region in particular. The successes achieved in the military field and political interventions at the central level on issues including negotiation opened the doors of new possibilities for the People’s War.
4. At the final stage of this period, all mysteries and characteristics of the Alok trend appearing as ‘left’ liquidations were exposed through strenuous and incessant efforts of Com. Prachanda and others. Indeed, the exposure and synthesis of the Alok trend is a great success of “Rectification Campaign” which negatively educated, enlightened and warned the whole Party and masses. In essence, this is yet another triumph of the proletarian line led by Com. Prachanda.
3.7 Development of democracy in 21st century
“Marxism is not lifeless dogma, not a completed, readymade immutable doctrine, but a living guide to action” – Lenin
The main essence of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism is to advance ahead through continuous revolution by scientifically synthesizing world proletarian movement enriched by the great experiences of revolution and counter-revolution. In giving leadership to the democratic revolution against feudalism and imperialism in Nepal, our Party has been from the very beginning laying emphasis on applying the teachings of MLM, not in the form of dogma but in the form of creative application and development as a “guide to action”. In this great process of applying and developing the teachings of MLM based on the concrete condition of the Nepalese revolution, we have been waging continuous struggle against rightist revisionists as well as the dogmata-revisionists. The process of ideological struggle that is invariably linked with the necessity of class struggle has brought the People’s War to this level of development within the period of 7 years through one leap to another. The Party has already synthesized the discovery at “Prachanda-Path” as a special chain of ideas in the Nepalese revolution based on this development process of class struggle and ideological struggle.
On the basis of experience of history, analysis of present world situation and five years’ enriched experiences of the Nepalese People’s war, the Party’s second historic Conference has made many important political and military syntheses. The qualitative result brought in the development of People’s War due to the application of that synthesized idea in the past two years, has not only proved its scientific basis but also it has prepared a strong base for higher ideological, political and military synthesis.
The Party
Revolutionary party for 21stcentury need to be developed into an organizational theory, methodology and system so that they can stop counter-revolution and this is valid even today. This is the problem of application and development of the theory of two-line struggle within the Party and continuous revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
There should be a mechanism to guarantee overall people’s participation in two line struggle and that one section comprising of capable and established leaders and cadres should be constantly involved in mass work and another section should be involved in running the state machinery and that after certain interval of period there should be re-division of work thereby strengthening the relationship between the whole Party and the general masses. Right from the beginning it should be stressed that the Party and the state under its leadership should adopt a policy and methodology of keeping lively relations with the masses, working hard and living in privation and to be wholly devoted to the cause of communism.
The Army
The experience of revolution and counter-revolution in the 20th Century has clearly shown that if the proletarian class advances ahead with correct revolutionary ideology, policy and programmed then the people can develop from almost zero to the level of an invincible people’s army which can reduce to dust the ultramodern and powerful army of the enemy. ………….But if wrong ideology prevails then the same army can become a weapon of counter-revolution. If one is not able to guarantee the development of methodology and structure which will keep the army under the supervision, control and service of the masses and proletarian ideology then such tendencies will go on multiplying till it reaches a specific point when it will automatically get transformed into a weapon for serving counter-revolution. …………Together with this, it should be guaranteed that the people’s army of the 21st century is not marked by modernization with special arms and training confined to a barrack after the capture of state power but remains a torch-bearer of revolution engaged in militarization of the masses and in the service of the masses. It is only by developing armed masses from both ideological and physical point of view that one can resist foreign intervention and counter-revolution; this fact must be made clear before the armed forces right from the beginning. The main thrust of work for the 21stcCentury people’s army should be to complete the historical responsibility of developing conscious armed masses so that they may learn to use their right to rebel.
The State
The capture of state power through people’ war under the leadership of the Party of the proletariat has been the central and difficult question of revolution (Now and then) yesterday and today. But the experience of 20th century has clearly proved that the question of continuous democratization of the state power, so that it starts withering away, is thousand times more difficult and complex than capturing state power. The importance and rigor of the subject can be judged from the fact that at one point of time within a century successful revolutions in Russia, China and other countries had shaken the whole earth, while at the other end the events of big counter-revolutions in those powerful socialist countries lead to a situation of no socialist state.
A Party, which may be proletarian revolutionary, and a state, that may be democratic or socialist, at a particular time, place and condition, may turn counter-revolutionary at another time, place and condition. It is obvious that the synthesis of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, namely the masses and the revolutionaries should rebel in such a situation, is fully correct in its place. However, as if a particular Communist Party remains proletarian for ever once a New Democratic or Socialist state is established under the leadership of that Party, there is either no opportunity, or it is not prepared, or it is prohibited, for the masses to have a free democratic or socialist competition against it. As a result, since the ruling Party is not required to have a political competition with others amidst the masses, it gradually turns into a mechanistic bureaucratic Party with special privileges and the state under its leadership, too, turns into mechanistic and bureaucratic machinery. Similarly, the masses become a victim of formal democracy and gradually their limitless energy of creativity and dynamism gets sapped. This danger has been clearly observed in history. To solve this problem, the process of control, supervision and intervention of the masses over the state should be stressed to be organized in a lively and scientific manner, according to the principle of continuous revolution. Once again the question here is to dialectically organize scientific reality that the efficacy of dictatorship against the enemy is dependent upon the efficacy of exercising democracy among the people.
In the context of democratic revolution in Nepal, we have been talking about the liberation of the masses from class, national, regional, and gender oppression. We have also pledged national and regional autonomy along with the rights to self-determination. Similarly we have been talking about Party freedom for anti-feudal and anti-imperialist forces. In this situation it should be stressed on correctly organizing the masses’ right to self-determination for the continuous democratization of the state.
Thus, only through the appropriate development of the Party, Army and State as stated above that democracy in the twenty-first century would enhance the process of continuous revolution and counter-revolution.

Part Four
4 PRACTICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MLM IN NEPALI CONTEXT
4.1 Chunbang meeting: major event
• Questions of Leadership
• Correct handling of the contradiction or inners struggle
• Tactical swift to focused village to urban
• Alliance with parliamentary political parties against autocratic Monarchy
• Democratic republican
• Proper balance on Nationality and Democracy
• Rectification-self criticism new type of party building
4.2 Kamidanda meeting: major event
• Seize fire agreement
• CPA, AAMA, Interim Constitution
• Tactics series: people’s war, people’s movement; negotiation and diplomatic initiation.
• Joining Interim Government
• Election of CA:
• Formation of government: Under the Leadership of Maoist Party
With deciding election of CA agreement was signed for formation of interim government including Maoist party. After a decade long people’s war Maoist representative became a part of government. Government had fixed their common minimum programmed. Main focused was; Socio-economic transformation, Writing constitution, Integration and rehabilitation of PLA, Democratization of NA
4.3 Balaju -Kharipati-Palungtar and Parisdanda:
Extended meetings of Balaju were before the CA election. It was held first meeting after seize fire. Division was for CA election or different type of revolution backtracking from peace process.
Chitwan meeting was held after promulgation of interim constitution and the entire parliament member were participated there with new coat. Then division became between coat and without coat.
Kharipati meeting was held at a time party itself was leading the government with majore portfolio. Again debate was leading the government by top leadership is a kind of give-up revolution. Peace and constitution is a reformist line so line and leadership both became reformist so it is needed to coming back from the government and preparation for revolt. But plan of revolt was not fixed and finalized.
Palungtar meeting was a three line debate. Again it is focused on peace and constitution or people’s revolt. Finally it was undecided extended meeting more than 6 thousand leaders and cadres were gathered there. It was trying to pass the line of people’s revolt without any preparation but finally it was corrected by perisdanda meeting peace and constitution is appropriate line for this moment.

Part Five
5 TACTICAL FLEXIBILITY AND STRATEGIC RIGIDITY
When the Maoists movement was just spawning in Nepal, people used to think Maoists woodenheaded. At the end of the 20th century, when the communist regimes all over the world were dismantling and in Nepal, where multiparty democracy with constitutional monarchy was just established putting down the three decades long authoritarian panchayat regime of the then monarch, the advocating of the armed movement by the Maoists instead of institutionalizing the achievements so far, displeased some people. Thus started Maoists movement, with unfavorable situations inside and outside the territory, in about a decade became the largest party of the country. The demand of the Constituent Assembly dating 60 years back became possible, the two and half centuries old monarchial system came to an end establishing republic and for the pioneer restructuring of the state, constitutional commitment was made to establish federal states ending the unitary state system of ruling. Revolution established the agendas and now these agendas are molting to work on field, their usefulness is being tested. At the end, what the crux of the achievements was has a single answer; flexibility in tactics rigidity in strategy.
5.1 Tactics and strategies
1. Protracted people's war or urban insurrection: The major debate during the declaration of people's war was. The party attempted to manage the new approaches of preparations. It assimilated that the Nepalese revolution would success neither in the Chinese way nor in the Russian way, but in its own unique style and thus was the achievements possible in such a short period of time. The formation of human rights organization, making the mechanism of the civil society, journalists and advocates tight and fix may seem confronting and may be said eerie rightist; those were the subjects of tactical flexibilities. Looking superficially, on one hand the party is talking of raising arms but on the other hand forms network of human rights organizations, the situation of dilemma arose whether revolution would take place or not, but the result supported the war. In a document of a meeting after a month of initiation of the war consciously speaks; in the current socioeconomic structure and the development of class struggle, armed struggle is not the appropriate means of capturing the central state power.
2. Questions of Leadership: We resolve question of leadership through struggle. We came in conclusion that most of the Marxist leaders failed to create their own successor. Then after the end of main leadership whole movement was negatively affected. So party opted for collective leadership. Collective leadership and centralized in main leadership and expression from main leadership is a correct line. Leadership is not a nominee it is grooming up from the revolution.
3. Dichotomizing the Society: The 1990s political change provided the space to reflect the social problems existing in the society. This condition greatly helped the party to mobilize the people behind their cause. There was a great achievement polarizing people into for and against by dichotomizing identities such as 'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless', and 'patriot-non patriot'. In this way they deepened (and created new) political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. These dichotomies fuelled the already developed feelings of injustice and frustration in the Nepalese people and thus garnered public support from the majority of the citizens.
4. Military Operations: The people's war proceeded with continuous military attacks. In time, though it used to change its tactics by talks, war and so on, in continuous military attacks its territories could be seen vividly. The number of army been decreasing, the recruitment of the army been hindering, runaway of the army, even a preparation of 14 months and centralization from a division which was unable to capture an army camp of one company made bound to adopt this tactic, that is to say, this tactic is the only one that saved the party, had this not taken place, the party would have already collapsed.
5. Declaration of Base Area: It was not possible to declare base area as Mao did in China because it could be fatal and even suicidal because enemy can focus specific area and annihilate all of them. Such types of arguments were there. Finally party came in conclusion to develop base areas not in isolation but in core and periphery based. The area were categorized as main area, secondary area for propaganda and enemy area.
6. Simultaneously War and Peace: It is possible to launch war and peace at a time. In the field battles are going on and at a top negotiation also going on not only in political level but also possible in military level too. Talks were considered the rightist lines. This was not a matter of doing revolutions, raising arms and flowing blood but was a matter of tuning the melody of peace, but the same means became the weapon to intensify the people's war. The formulae of that time became the bases of future plans. In fact, those plans were rightist in form. But, the plans that seem rightist in form on the one hand could bring revolutionary result whereas on the other hand could protect the party from the fierce repression of the reactionary forces.
7. Strategic balance of power: Another specific character of the war is to maintain proper balance with national and international forces and targeting the principal enemy while joining hands with secondary enemies. National forces were divided in two parts for and against as a same manner international forces too. Maoist party is a terrorist one it is one handed believe and another hand it is not a party raising the issues of social justices, basic need of the masses and at a time asking for let's go to the people. No terrorist organization can urge the government for people's mandate, like go to the people and ready to accept peoples mandate, but those who claim themselves as a democrat were not willing to go to the people and are not willing to accept the voice of the people.
8. Parallel state power: During the period of armed conflict various state structures such as court system, revenue collection mechanisms, own military and administrative structures were established; and the party asked for International community's including UN for the recognition of those state strucures.
9. Tactical swift: The tactics adopted during the people's war were as per the principle of rigidity in strategy and flexibility in tactics. So, considering the strategy, there was swift in tactics as per the need of the movement and the proletariat class. Hindering the recruitment process of the army by threatening the aspirants, calling the army out of the barracks and attacking, making false attacks and drawing the attention of the army away from the attacking points, ambushing the armed force heading to back the ones in the ongoing attack, supply side intervention for various basic needs, etc. were the examples of tactical swift.
10. Rural to Urban Strategy: The formation of human rights organization, making the mechanism of the civil society, journalists and advocates tight and fix may seem confronting and may be said eerie rightist; those were the subjects of tactical flexibilities. Looking superficially, on one hand the party is talking of raising arms but on the other hand forms network of human rights organizations, the situation of dilemma arose whether revolution would take place or not, but the result supported the war.
11. Agenda for negotiation: CA, Removal of Monarchy, Federalization of state, Inclusion and proportional representation with special rights for dalit and women, feudalism to capitalism move, continuation of revolution and completion of rest task of the revolution.
• The tactic adopted during the mid period of the people's war was round table conference, interim government and the election of the constituent assembly. The party was involved in the people's war, the party that has taken the oath of either death or emancipation and at the same time the party had been declared as terrorist; discusses about the simple reformist changes. Seeming extreme rightist; there was no way these slogans suit a revolutionary leftist party but the result of these became a subject to tie the hands of the reactionary forces.
• The slogan "let's institutionalize republic", after the royal massacre; where there was no smell of the People's Republic; seeming like extreme reformist, prepared a base for the party to achieve the republic.
• Constituent assembly, democratic republic, and interim constitution, election of the constituent assembly: the party that had conducted the people's war with the slogan "let's leap forwards in the path of the people's war in order to establish people's state power" headed forwards saying election of the constituent assembly and democratic republic.
12. Leadership of the government after the election: there was no absolute majority to the party after the election but the leading of the government was decided and executed.
13. Resignation, illegitimate step of the president: while discussing about accomplishment of Nepalese revolution, all of sudden the chapter about chief of the army came into play and quitted from the government by resigning. After a yearlong of street protest, again from the candidacy of prime minister till now, all these events verify tactical flexibility.
The above outlined events are the examples of tactical flexibility adopted by a revolutionary communist party. The more we become flexible in tactics, the more it helps us to become rigid in strategies. If we become rigid in tactics, then we have to be flexible in strategies, and when strategies flexibility is adopted, then there arises a question in idea, policy and principle.
Watching the outcomes of tactical flexibility, when people's war was just undergoing preparation, in a document after a week of the program of the first stage on Falgun 1st, it was documented that the party is ready for the talks. A leftist revolutionary party that had raised war after a long preparation, in its first and even promulgated operation, talking immediately about the talks may be said to be cowardice. May be called chicken hearted or an outcome of despaired mentality, but was not said because those were the results of flexibility in tactics.
It is said in "the jail line" formulated during the preparation of the people's war that if arrested, all the politburo and central committee members except for the General Secretary say that they are simply members, and those working in sister organizations and legitimate organizations say that they are simply supporters. Every stage would turn into audacity. Whole the movement would take a rest, some courageous people would die and become great, some would be arrested and turn to cowards, change, revolution would be a mantra to mutter repeatedly.
It's because of tactical flexibility, Chunwang meeting and democratic republic, constituent assembly and federal and inclusive Nepal as well as problems of class, ethnicity, region, sex and language being diagnosed and how can we achieve it? A conclusion was drawn that there is no other best option than peace, constitution and republic. To protect the achievements from this conclusion is the major responsibility of this time and we can move forwards only by stepping on those achievements, there is no use in talking about more achievements undermining these achievements, if not to talk about this cock and bull story, tactical flexibility need to be adopted again. By doing so, seeming rightist in the eyes of pseudo revolutionary is not strange.
5.2 Our responsibility of changing time
We are talking about the revolution in the first decade of the 21st century. Our chief responsibility is to develop forthcoming tactics keeping in mind about the characteristics of globalized imperialism, characteristics of the classes and the success and failure of revolutionary movements. We have considered that the base of our acceptance of multiparty competition is the downfall of communist regimes in the 20th century. Also we have to review the fundamental changes in the nature of revolutionary movements, imperialistic character and reactionary class in the first decade of the 21st century based on the deployment of communist regimes of the 20th century. Any discussion of ideas sans this type of review will turn fruitless.
5.3 Imperialism of the 21st century
Imperialism itself is in the changed state. To self sustain, it is in its continuous motion, and with the changed circumstances it is trying its best to modify itself. Being so, the power in chief contradiction with the oppressed nations in on timely change, and if the oppressed nations and classes failed to endorse tactics accordingly, then there is no other alternative than defeat. So, not to be defeated, it is necessary to discuss about today's imperialism and develop today's Marxism putting aside insistence.
Today's imperialism is not in the state of turning mutual contradictions into world war. The situation is of dividing mutual differences according to their interest, power and capability and the nature of such division is not in the state of maintaining colony by dividing traditional geography. Despite this, the imperialistic forces are heading forwards establishing multinational companies and organizations and retaining world management through mutual coordination. The imperialistic interest of this time is to expand its market and to capture the world through that expanded market. For this, they don’t think it necessary to capture a fixed geography.
Imperialism of this stage is in the character of its change from industrial capital to financial capital. Industrial capital is at least extended to investor, workers, manager and production and market that are why the state of supremacy of imperialism only or capital only cannot prevail. It has to maintain its mutual consonance with other parties too. But today, after the change of industrial capital to financial capital, the absolute capital and the absolute imperialistic power, in its solo decision, is in the state of mobilizing that capital. Imperialism uses to accomplish its work through its agents instead of working itself. It such condition, the Marxist methods and norms of the 20th century are insufficient, their development is essential. Ignoring the evolved character of the imperialism, if we managed to define imperialism in the obsolete ways and develop future tactics, there is not a single alternative to defeat.
5.4 Rising of the middle class in the 21st century
The size of classes and their character is changed in this time. There is a rapid rise of the middle class while running in the first decade of the 21st century. The proletariat class and the reactionary class are at decrement and the middle class is making up the maximum. During the middle of the 20th century, the middle class was minimal and any class could ensure victory by its help but now the middle class staying in the middle and those who adopt the tactic that can influence the middle class can achieve victory. In the 20th century, the middle class was unsteady and used to hover sometimes here and sometimes there but now it has become permanent. Based on size and number also this class is in the stage of being determining class. It is necessary to care about this fact.
Additionally, the 1990 political change provided the space to reflect on these problems. Freedom of expression and organization allowed people to pursue a radical agenda, previously not tolerated by the state. Democracy created opportunities for marginalized people to organize themselves to fight for their rights, while at the same time raising the expectations of the people. Politicians in the early 1990's fuelled these expectations to win the popular vote, but, once in power; they failed to address people's concerns. This greatly helped the CPN (M) to mobilize the people behind their cause. The CPN (M) was also very successful at polarizing people into for and against by dichotomizing identities such as 'oppressed-oppressor', 'ruler-ruled', 'poor-rich', 'landlord-landless', and 'patriot-non patriot'. In this way they deepened (and created new) political, social, cultural and economic cleavages. These dichotomies fuelled the already developed feelings of injustice and frustration in the Nepalese people.

Part Six
6 MAJOR ACHIEVEMENTS
Marx propounded theory; Lenin implemented in Russia as an insurrection; Mao did in China as a protracted people’s war. In Nepal we decided to develop MLM and fusion of both. The tangible achievements of the People's war can be presented in nutshell as:
• Interim Constitution
• Establishment of Republic
• Election of Constituent Assembly
• Inclusiveness in every sector of society
• Proportionate Representation
• Federal structure of the state

Part Seven
7 CONCLUSION
Finally Maoist party has taken historical initiation for the liberation of the people. For this purpose it has developed its own clear objectives; it has developed its own style and methods. It has been highly appreciated by the other communist parties. The path taken by the Maoist party in Nepal is a new and unique to its soil. It doesn’t match with any practices of Marxism as it is a redefined mode so orthodox types of communist parties regard it as a reformist. Whether the movement is reformist or revolutionary let the future to judge it.
The plausible explanation behind the achievements of the People's war in nutshell:
• Strong leadership capability
• Initial brushing off of the grievances as the unrealistic ambition by the state authorities
• Modality adopted of local flavor
• Success in capturing the sentiment of the oppressed and marginalized citizens
• Dichotomizing the society in for and against the movement with specific polarization
• Adopting the strategic rigidity and tactical flexibility as per the contemporary national and international scenario
Therefore, a pragmatic approach with the up to date analysis of the national and international milieu is the first and foremost factor for the uprising of any political movement and for the socio-economic transformation.

माओवादीका पछिल्ला निर्णयहरु र शान्ति संविधान वारे

माओवादीको लामो समयदेखिको अकर्मण्यताको पटाक्षेप भएको छ । माओवादी पार्टी भित्रका अन्तरविरोधहरु लामो समयदेखि नैसार्वजनिक भएका थिए । पार्टी नेता र कार्यकर्ताहरुको एकअर्का प्रतिको आरोप प्रत्यारोप उत्कर्षमा पुगेको थियो । माओवादीको समिकरण वन्ने भत्कने क्रम पनि वर्घेल्ती नै चलेको थियो । गोंगवु डिनर देखि धोवीघाट लन्चसम्मका परिघटनाहरु पनि सार्वजनिक भए यी सवैको कुल योग माओवादी पार्टी फुटनु हो भन्ने निष्कर्ष सवैको थियो । माओवादी पार्टीको फुटमा आफनो कल्याण देख्ने मानिसहरुको निद्रा हराम हुने गरी माओवादी पार्टीले प्राय सवैकालागि अनौठो लाग्ने निर्णय गरयो । राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको विकल्प छैन भन्दै राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको नेतृत्व उपाध्यक्ष डा बाबुराम भटटराईले गर्ने निर्णय संगसगै प्रधानमन्त्रीले राजिनामा दिने कुरा समेत सामेल भएको पाच वुदे सहमतिलाई कार्यान्वयन गर्ने दृढता पनि व्यक्त गर्दै फेरि झलनाथ नेतृत्वको कै सरकारमा अर्का उपाध्यक्ष नारायणकाजी श्रेष्ठको नेतृत्वमा लगभग दुई दर्जन जतिको जम्वो आकारको मन्त्री र राज्य मन्त्रीहरुको लर्को शिफारिस गर्ने पनि निर्णय गरयो । यसका साथसाथै सविधानसभा दलको पनि पुनर्गठन गर्ने काम भयो । सरकार र सदनमा नया टिम परिचालन गर्ने काम पार्टीको केन्द्रिय समितिको निर्णय वाट भयो ।

उपरोक्त घटनाक्रमहरुवाट माओवादी पार्टीले के सन्देश दिन खोजेको हो आम जनताले र अरु पार्टीहरुले कसरी वुझने र स्वयं पार्टी नेता र कार्यकर्ताहरुले यसलाई कसरी वुझने भन्ने अहं प्रश्न यतिवेला खडा भएको छ ।

राजनीतिमा ईमान हुन्छ भनेर मान्ने हो भने आगामी राष्ट्रिय सरकारको नेतृत्व माओवादीले गर्ने र सो को नेतृत्व उपाध्यक्ष्य डा बाबुराम भटटराईले गर्ने भनेर गरेको निर्णय छिटोभन्दा छिटो कार्यान्वयन हुन्छ किनकि राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको नेतृत्व विना शान्ति र संविधान संभव छैन भन्ने कुरा विगत दुइै वर्षभन्दा अघि देखिको निष्कर्ष हो । हाम्रो मुख्य कार्यभार शान्ति र संविधान हो भने शान्ति र संविधानकालागि जुनसुकै त्याग र वलिदान गर्न पनि हामी तत्पर हुन जरुरी छ । राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारलाई आझेलमा पार्ने गरी जम्वो मन्त्रीहरुको लर्कन शिफारिस गर्ने निर्णपनि संगै भएको छ यसले शान्ति र संविधान हैन सरकार प्रमुख हो भन्ने झल्को दिन्छ त्यसमा पनि मन्त्रालयको रोजाई र साटफेरका कारणले लामो समय लागेको कुराले पनि यो कुरालाई थप पुष्टि गर्दछ । अर्कातर्फ पाच वुदेको कार्यान्वयन हो कि सो को उलंघन हो भन्ने कुराका पनि दुवै पाटो छन् दुवै पक्ष छन् ।

सारमा भन्दा शान्ति संविधान र आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण हाम्रा कार्यभार हुन गणतन्त्र संघीयता धर्मनिरपेक्षता समावेशिता लगायतका विषयहरु जनयुद्ध र जनआन्दोलनका उपलव्धी हुन यिनलाई हर हालतमा संस्थागत गर्नु पर्छ यसकालागि माओवादी नेतृत्वमा राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको विकल्प छैन भन्ने अवको मिशन हो । त्यसकालागि सवैले आ आफना स्थानवाट त्याग गर्ने आ आफना ठाउवाट सोको वातावरण तयार गर्ने र मिशन पूरा गर्न लागि पर्ने र अरुलाई पनि त्यही मिशनमा डोराउन प्रयत्न गर्ने हाम्रो प्राथमिकतामा पर्न पर्दछ । यो प्राथमिकतालाई आधार विन्दु मान्दै लामो समयदेखिको लगभल विघटनको जस्तै अवस्थामा पुगेको पार्टीलाई जीवन दिन जरुरी छ । पार्टी कमिटिहरु कृयाशिल वनाउन जरुरी छ । जनवर्गीय संगठनहरुलाई आफनो सत्व सहितको कृयाशिल वनाउने समेतका काम गर्न जरुरी छ । लामो समयदेखि थाति रहेका राजनैतिक वैचारिक विषय र सांगठनिक समस्याहरु समेतको हल गर्न महाधिवेशनको आयोजनाकालागि तत्पर हुने र त्यतिवेला सम्म विभिन्न विचार समुहको नाममा मोर्चाको हिसावलेहैन पार्टी कमिटिका हिसावले नै संचालित हुने र संचालन गर्ने पद्दतिको विकास गरेपछि मात्रै समस्याको निदान हुनेछ ।

यस मिशनकालागि पार्टीमा पार्टी नेतृत्वमा र पुरै कार्यकर्ता पक्तिमा अझै आम जनताको पक्तिमा त्यो विश्वास पैदा गर्न जरुरी छ । यो विश्वास पैदाभयो भने अरु पार्टीमा विरोधी पक्तिमा र वर्ग वैरीमा जतिसुकै अविश्वास पैदा भए पनि जनताको वलले त्यसलाई वढारेर लैजान्छ । तर आफैमा अविश्वास आफैमा दृढताको अभाव वा आत्मविश्वासको कमि आयो भने कसैलाई पनि विश्वास र दृढतापैदा गर्न सक्दैन यो सच्चाई लाई आत्मसात गरेर मात्रै अघि वढन जरुरी छ । एक स्वरमा भनौ हामो मिशन शान्ति र संविधान आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरण नै हो यसकालागि पार्टीमा एक रुपता पैदा भैसकेको छ पार्टीमा अव कुनै किसिमको द्धिविधा छैन । यसो भनेर यस भनाई लाई व्यवहारमा परिणत गर्न सकियो भने जनयुद्ध जनआन्दोलन र मधेश विद्रोहले उठाएका आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणका एजेण्डाहरुको समुचित सवोधन गर्न सकिन्छ ।

तर यसैका वीचमा पनि केही संशयहरु पक्कै छन् । राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको विकल्प छैन भनिरहेकै वखत जम्वो मन्त्री टोलीको फेरवदल गर्ने कुराले माओवादी पार्टी राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको पक्षमा छैन भन्ने कुरा वोल्नकालागि रामै्र ठाउ दिएको छ । यसले पाच वुदेको कार्यन्वयनमा शंका गर्ने ठाउ र शान्ति र संविधान संभव वनाउन नसक्ने झलनाथ खनालको निरन्तरताका पक्षमा देखिएको छ भन्ने कुराले पनि माओवादी पार्टीलाई अप्ठारो पार्ने छ । समानुपातिक समावेशी वनाउनकालागि दुई तिन महिनाको संघर्ष गरेकै कारणले दुई दिनका लागि मात्रै भए पनि मन्त्री मण्डल फेर वदल गर्न पर्ने भयो भन्ने भनाई यदि साच्चै हो भने यो कुरा सवैलाई चित्त वुझने गरी संझाउन र पुष्टि गर्न पनि सक्न पर्दछ । माओवादी नेता हरु चुत्थ मन्त्री पदकैलागि मरिहत्ते गर्दैनन र गरेका हैनन र राष्ट्रिय सहमतिकालागि भविश्यमा पनि गर्ने छैनन् भन्ने कुराको ग्यारेण्टी पनि गर्न जरुरी छ । हैन भने यतिवेला भएका चर्चा हरु अमुक अमुक नेता अमुक पद नभै नहुने वा अमुक मन्त्रालय नपाई जादै नजाने र अमुक अमुक नेताहरु मन्त्री पद नपाए के के गर्ने घुर्की र धम्कीका कुराहरु वजारमा फिजिएका छन् यसलाई जवाफ दिन माओवादी पार्टी स्वयंले सक्न पर्छ हैन भने जनताको विश्वास आर्जन गर्न कठिन हुनेछ । माओवादी पार्टीका अतिरिक्त तत् तत् प्रसंगमा जोडिएका नेता विशेषले पनि व्यक्तिगत रुपमा पनि जिम्मा लिन र आम जनतामा पर्न गएको भ्रमलाई चिर्न जरुरी छ ।

त्यसैले माओवादी नेतृत्वमा राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकार भन्ने माओवादी पार्टीको नारा हो कि वास्तविकता हो माओवादी सो कुरा सांच्चै गर्न चाहन्छ भने त्यसका विरुद्ध आफैले सिर्जना गरेका भ्रमहरु पहिला सफा गर्न जरुरी छ त्यस पछि मात्रै सो वातावरण वनाउन सहज हुनेछ त्यसैले यतिवेला राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकारको वातावरण तयार गर्ने हैन कि त्यसका विरुद्ध आफनै निर्णय र काम कारवाहीका कारणले पैदा गरेको भ्रम सफा पार्दै नया वातावरण सिर्जनागर्न जरुरी छ । तव मात्रै शान्ति संविधान र जनताको आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणकालागि माओवादी नेतृत्वको राष्ट्रिय सहमतिको सरकार संभव हुनेछ ।