यो सरकारले शुसाशनको जग बसालीसक्यो । @MountainTVOfficial

संविधान र कानुन कार्यान्वयनमा फड्को

संविधान र कानुन कार्यान्वयनमा फड्को: प्रचण्ड नेतृत्वको सरकारले एक वर्ष पूरा गरेको छ । यो अवधिका बारेमा सरकारले आफ्नो प्रगति विवरण सार्वजनिक गरेको छ । सरकारका तर्फबाट जारी प्रगति विवरण आफ्नो ठाउँमा सही होला । सरकार बाहिरबाट आमजनताका दृष्टिमा त्यसमा पनि संविधान र कानुनको कार्यान्वयनका दृष्टिमा सरकार कस्तो रह्यो समीक्षा गर्ने प्रयत्न यस आलेखमा गरिएको छ । सरकारको प्रगति विवरण यसका आधारमा बजारमा सरकारका सफलता र असफलताको मापन र आकलन भइराखेको छ । यसै सेरोफेरोमा संविधान कार्यान्वयनका दृष्टिमा सरकारका एक वर्षको आकलन गर्ने यस आलेखको आशय हो ।

राजनीतिमा रूपान्तरण

राजनीतिमा रूपान्तरण: “यदि अन्याय नभएको भए मानिसले न्याय थाहा पाउने थिएनन्। अन्यायमा परेकालाई सहयोगको हात नपुग्नु न्याय दिन इन्कार गर्नु हो। यो मानवताको साझा अधिकार पनि हो। धन्य तिनीहरू हुन्; जसले न्याय कायम राख्छन्; जसले सधैँ सही कुरा गर्छन्।” उपरोक्त पङ्क्ति न्याय क्षेत्रमा बारम्बार उद्धृत गरिने भनाइ हो। उक्त भनाइ र नेपाली समाज अनि नेपाली अदालतका बिचमा कति तादात्म्यता राख्छ, विचारणीय पक्ष हो। यति बेला अदालत चर्चामा छ। दुई वर्षअघि संसद्मा बहुमत देखाएको उम्मेदवारलाई प्रधानमन्त्री नियुक्त गर्नू भन्ने आदेश दिएका बखत अदालत चर्चामा थियो। त्यो कार्यकालभरि परमादेशी सरकार भन्ने भाष्यले सञ्चार जगत् रङ्गिए। फेरि एक पटक नामकरणमा चर्चा र विवादमा आएको कोशी प्रदेशमा अल्पमतको सरकार गठन गर्न पर

Sukshma Drishti: टिआरसी विधेयकः प्रचण्डलाइ तह लगाउने ओलीको ब्रह्मास्त्र ...

प्रमको आसन्न विदेश भ्रमण

प्रमको आसन्न विदेश भ्रमण

संसदको रमिता र निरीहता

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/08/1353892 

नेतृत्व सङ्कट टार्ने हो भने...

नेतृत्व सङ्कट टार्ने हो भने...: नेतृत्वका बारेमा बुझाइ आआफ्ना होलान् तर समाज विज्ञानका दार्शनिक कार्ल माक्र्सले भने झैँ “म केही हैन तर म हरेक चिज हुँ” भन्ने उत्प्रेरक भनाइले नेतृत्वका बारेमा सङ्केत गर्छ । हरेक समय नेतृत्वले म सबथोक हुँ भन्यो भने ऊ आफू पनि सकियो, समाज पनि ध्वस्त बनाउँछ । खासखास बेलामा अर्थात् सङ्कटका बेलामा म केही पनि हैन भन्यो भने पनि समाज ध्वस्त हुनबाट कसैले बचाउन सक्दैन, त्यति बेला म सबथोक हुँ भन्न सक्नु पर्छ । नेतृत्वका बारेमा कार्ल माक्र्सको यो भनाइले राजनीतिक नेतृत्वलाई परिआएका बेला बलिदान गर्न र जोखिम मोल्न तयार हुने चरित्र नै नेतृत्वको चरित्र हो, त्यसमा पनि राजनीतिक नेतृत्वको अनिवार्य चरित्र

कृष्णबहादुर महरालाइ पक्राउ गर्ने कि नगर्ने? मन्त्रीले किन गरेनन सम्पत्ति...

आफ्नो नेतालाई जोगाएर अरुलाई मात्र कारवाही गरेर सुशासन आउने भ्रष्टाचार कम...

नेपालको नेतृत्व आर्थिक सामाजिक रुपान्तरणको विपक्षमा छ ।। खिमलाल देवकोटा

मुलुक असफल राष्ट्रतर्फ उन्मुख हुँदै गएकोमा विज्ञको चिन्ता - nepalijanta.com

मुलुक असफल राष्ट्रतर्फ उन्मुख हुँदै गएकोमा विज्ञको चिन्ता - nepalijanta.com: मुलुकको नेतृत्व नै असक्षम विज्ञहरुले असक्षम नेतृत्वका कारण मुलुक असफल राष्ट्रतर्फ उन्मुख हुँदै गएको भन्दै चिन्ता व्यक्त गरेका छन् । सुन तस्करी, ललिता निवास तथा

मुलुक असफल राष्ट्रतर्फ उन्मुख हुँदै गएकोमा विज्ञको चिन्ता

https://chakrapath.com/newsdetails/91197?fbclid=IwAR0Mxb4oXo1kpXJDK-jF_BVayCI6DgTUgHLnlbUVhjBW1snSP0HXEe2j8cI 

माओवादी सच्चिने हो भने…

 

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/08/1347739?fbclid=IwAR34B83MSJ_YAlV0SANuwMhy2wxpPHpvlkxmzwCTvepCJgvPgl1VWPSWzyIमाओवादीको चौथो पूर्ण बैठक भर्खरै सकिएको छ । बैठकले नयाँ रूपान्तरण अभियान, विधान सम्मेलन र विशेष महाधिवेशन गर्ने निर्णय गरेको छ । पार्टीलाई नयाँ उचाइमा उठाउँदै समाजवादी क्रान्ति गर्न सक्षम बनाउने उद्घोष गरेको छ ।

२० पुस २०७८ मा सम्पन्न पार्टीको आठौं महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरेको झण्डै डेढ वर्षको अन्तरालमा आयोजना गरेको केन्द्रीय समितिको चौथो पूर्ण बैठक हो यो । चौथो भनिए पनि केन्द्रीय समितिको हैसियतको बैठक महाधिवेशनपछिको पहिलो हो । त्यही महाधिवेशन सम्पन्न गरेको हलमा करिब-करिअघि महाधिवेशनमा विभिन्न समूह विभाजन गरिएको थियो र टोली नेताले प्रतिवेदन पेश गरेका थिए, तर यो केन्द्रीय समितिको बैठक भएकोले सबै केन्द्रीय समिति सदस्यले बोल्न सके । अध्यक्ष बाहेक सबैलाई समान पाँच मिनेटको समय निर्धारण गरी बोल्न चाहनेहरूका लागि नाम आहृवान गरियो । थुप्रैले नाम दिए पनि २१८ जनाले बोलिसकेपछि बैठकमा बोल्ने क्रम सकियो ।

अर्को दिन अध्यक्षको जवाफसँगै बैठक सकियो । यो बैठकको अन्तर्यमा माओवादी सच्चिने कि सक्किने भन्ने नै मूल प्रस्थानविन्दु थियो ।

‘२१औं शताब्दीमा समाजवादको नेपाली बाटो’ शीर्षकको दस्तावेज महाधिवेशनमा पारित भएको थियो । सोही महाधिवेशनको निरन्तरताका रूपमा यो बैठक रहृयो । बैठकमा अध्यक्षले सम्पादन नगरिएको दस्तावेज वाचन गरे । ‘दस्तावेजको मूल स्पिरिट ठीक छ तर कार्यान्वयनमा आशंका छ’ भन्ने आशय सहित हरेक वक्ताले आफ्नो मत राखे ।

म्ाहाधिवेशनको दस्तावेजले भन्छः ‘जनताले आज हाम्रो पार्टी र अन्य पार्टीमा खासै भिन्नता देखिरहेको छैन । कमिशन, भ्रष्टाचार, यौन अनैतिकता, व्यक्तिवाद, पद र पैसाप्रतिको आसक्ति बढ्दो छ । यसलाई बदल्न नसक्ने हो भने क्रान्तिकारी पार्टी र उन्नत संस्कृति सहित समाजवादको यात्रामा अगाडि बढ्न सम्भव छैन ।’

महाधिवेशनले किटान गरेको उपरोक्त अवस्थामा खासै परिवर्तन आएको छैन । बरु यो बीचमा महाधिवेशनले लिएका निर्णयहरूको कार्यान्वयनमा झन् बढी बेवास्ता र लापरबाही देखा परे । यसले पार्टीको अवस्थामा सुधार हैन, समस्या झन् बढी गहिरिए । महाधिवेशनपश्चात् पार्टीभित्र अराजकता र चरम गुटबन्दी अर्को समस्या थपियो ।

संकटै संकटले घेरिएको परिस्थितिमा संसदको तेस्रो (२७५ मध्येको ३२ सिटे) पार्टीले सरकारको नेतृत्व गर्ने अवसर पाएको छ । सँगसँगै चुनौतीको पहाड उसका सामुन्नेमा छ ।

महाधिवेशनले पदाधिकारी चुन्न सकेन । केन्द्रीय समिति चुनेर महाधिवेशन अन्त्य गरियो । महाधिवेशन अन्त्य गर्दा एक वर्षभित्रै विशेष महाधिवेशन गरेर विचार र संगठनलाई अर्को उचाइमा उठाउने बाचा गरिएको थियो । तर एक वर्ष हैन डेढ वर्षमा न अधिवेशन, न महाधिवेशन न विशेष अधिवेशन केही भएन । बरु केन्द्रीय समितिको बैठक पनि डेढ वर्ष पार गरेर भयो । यस्तो अवस्थामा पार्टी निरन्तर ओरालो लाग्ने बाहेक अरू केही भएन ।

यही बीचमा तीनै तहका निर्वाचन सम्पन्न भए । २०६४ सालको एक्लै बहुमत हासिल गरेको पार्टी यस पटक झण्डै चौथो हुनपुग्यो । माओवादीको प्रतिस्पर्धा कांग्रेस एमालेसँग हैन, भर्खरै खुलेको राष्ट्रिय स्वतन्त्र पार्टीसँग भयो ।

साढे आठ लाख पार्टी सदस्य भएको एक क्रान्तिकारी पार्टीले सो संख्याको पचास प्रतिशत मात्रै पनि भोट बढाउन सकेन । चुनावी गठबन्धन एउटासँग सरकार अर्कोसँग बन्न पुग्यो । तैपनि सत्ताधारी पार्टी हुन पाएकोमा सबैको गर्वकै विषय भयो ।

प्ाार्टीको यो ओरालो यात्राका साक्षी केन्द्रीय सदस्यहरूले पार्टी सक्किने कि सच्चिने दोबाटोमा उभिएको चित्र राम्ररी अनुभूत गरे र केन्द्रीय समितिमा त्यही अभिव्यक्ति आयो ।

पार्टी शान्ति प्रक्रियामा आए लगत्तैको चुनावमा सर्वोत्कृष्ट स्थान हासिल गर्न सफल त भयो । त्यही बलमा गणतन्त्र घोषणा पनि भयो । तर न संविधानसभा जोगाउन सक्यो न पार्टी एकता जोगियो न संविधान नै जारी गर्न सक्यो । पार्टीले निर्वाचनमा प्राप्त गरेको उत्कृष्टताको सीमित मानिसहरूबाट दुरुपयोग भयो ।

यसो हुनुका पछाडि शान्ति प्रक्रियामा आएपछि अब कसरी जाने भन्ने विषयमा समग्र योजनाको अभाव रहृयो भन्ने कुरा पार्टीको दस्तावेजमा स्वीकार गरिएको छ । सँगसँगै पार्टीले मुखमा संविधानसभा दिमागमा विद्रोह मुख्यतः विद्रोह भन्ने कूटनीति राजनीतिमा मिसाउन खोज्दा गल्ती भयो भन्ने कुरा पनि दस्तावेजमा स्वीकार गरिएको छ ।

उपरोक्त फेहरिस्तले माओवादी पार्टीको आन्तरिक जीवनको चित्र प्रष्ट गर्दछ । यसले खडा गरेका कीर्तिमानी र गल्तीका शृंखला दुवैले शिखर चुमेका छन् । यो परिवेशमा दस्तावेजले भने जस्तो पार्टीका सामु गम्भीर चुनौती र महान सम्भावना छन् । चुनौतीको सामना र संभावनाको सदुपयोग गर्न सक्दा समाजवादी क्रान्तिको कार्यभार पूरा गर्न सकिन्छ । यसो गर्न नसक्दा पार्टीको ओरालो यात्रालाई कसैले रोक्न सक्दैन । यसरी हेर्दा स्वाभाविक रूपमा पार्टी सच्चिने कि सक्किने दोसाँधमा छ ।

पार्टी सच्चिने हो भने विचार सच्चिनुपर्छ । विचार अनुसारको संगठन सच्चिनुपर्छ । संगठन अनुसारको आचरण, व्यवहार र कार्यशैली सच्चिनुपर्छ । जसरी जनताले अरू पार्टी र माओवादी पार्टीका बीचमा भिन्नता देख्न सकेनन्, त्यसरी नै माओवादी नेता र अरू नेताहरूका बीचमा भिन्नता देख्न छाडे ।

भिन्नता त बरु केमा देखिन थाल्यो भने अरूले ठूला कुरा गर्दैनन्, माओवादीले ठूला कुरा गर्छन् । अरूका विचार र व्यवहारमा खासै भिन्नता देखिन्न । माओवादीका भने विचार र व्यवहारमा कहींकतै तादात्म्यता नै देखिन्न । यो कुराको चिन्ता आम रूपमा देखा पर्‍यो ।

युद्धकालीन स्कुलिङ र फलामे अनुशासन भएको पार्टी, जस्तोसुकै बलिदानीको लागि तयार रहेको पार्टी, मृत्युलाई जीवनको पर्याय बनाएको पार्टी आज आन्तरिक गुटबन्दी, अराजकता, पद र प्रतिष्ठाका लागि मरिहत्ते गर्ने नेता-कार्यकर्तामा झांगिएको आदतप्रतिको चिन्ता बैठकको केन्द्रमा थियो

नक्कली भुटानी शरणार्थी काण्डमा देखाएको तदारुकता पार्टीको नेतृत्वमा भएको सरकारको सराहनीय काम बन्न पुग्यो । पार्टी बैठकमा वाह्वाही पाउने कारण बन्यो । यसैगरी ललितानिवास प्रकरण र चर्चित एक क्विन्टल सुन काण्डमा देखाएको पहलकदमी पार्टी नेतृत्वको सरकारका साहसिक काम थिए । सुशासन सम्बद्ध यी र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय कूटनीति भारतसँगको सम्बन्ध सुदृढीकरण, लोडसेडिङ बेच्ने मुलुक बिजुली बेच्ने हैसियतमा पुग्यो । यी लगायत अन्य कामका बारेमा बैठकमा मज्जाले प्रशंसा भयो ।

तर यिनै कामका कारणले संसदमा प्रतिपक्षीले गरेको आक्रमण सहृय हुने प्रकृतिको छैन । त्यसको प्रतिवाद अपेक्षित ढंगले हुनै सकेन ।

माओवादी नेताका टाउकामा युद्धकालीन मुद्दा झुण्डिएका छन् । गृह मन्त्रालय सम्हालेको पार्टीका नेताहरू विरुद्धका उजुरी प्रहरीमा छन् । ती उजुरी कुनै पनि बेला जाग्न सक्छन् । मन्त्रालयको ध्यान ती उजुरी खारेजीमा गएकै छैन ।

संक्रमणकालीन न्यायको मामला अठारौं वर्षमा प्रवेश गर्‍यो । आज न कानुन न आयोग विलखबन्दमा छ । आठ महिनादेखि संसद चालु छ । संसद चलाएबापत सांसदहरूका लागि मात्रै दैनिक दश लाख भत्ता वितरण हुन्छ ।

तर सालवसाली कानुन बजेट बाहेक अरू कानुन बनाउनै सक्दैन । सरकारले बिजनेस दिएन भन्ने आरोप छ । सरकार चित्तबुझ्दो जवाफ दिन सक्दैन । यस मामलामा पार्टी बैठकमा पनि खासै कुरा उठ्दैन ।

तथ्यांकहरू नै बोल्छन्- अर्थतन्त्रको अवस्था डरलाग्दो छ । बजेट अभाव सबैको समस्या हो । तर आर्थिक वर्षको अन्त्यमा बजेट खर्च गर्न नसक्ने अर्को रोग बनेको छ । गरेको खर्चमा पनि बेरुजु र भ्रष्टाचारको चाङ भेटिन्छ ।

रूस-युक्रेन युद्धका कारणले विश्वको शक्ति-सन्तुलन भत्किएको छ । असंलग्न आन्दोलनको पहिचान बनाएको मुलुक, अमेरिकी साम्राज्यवाद र भारतीय विस्तारवादको नारा आधारित पार्टीको नेतृत्वमा सरकार हुँदा कहिले अमेरिकाको पक्षमा भोट हाल्ने गल्ती नेपाल गर्दैछ । जबकि छिमेकी मुलुक चीन विपक्षमा र भारत तटस्थ बस्यो ।

उपरोक्त संकटै संकटले घेरिएको परिस्थितिमा संसदको तेस्रो (२७५ मध्येको ३२ सिटे) पार्टीले सरकारको नेतृत्व गर्ने अवसर पाएको छ । सँगसँगै चुनौतीको पहाड उसका सामुन्नेमा छ ।

पार्टीको बैठक राष्ट्रिय र अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय परिस्थितिले खडा गरेका समस्याको सामना गर्न कसरी तयारी गर्ने भन्ने भन्दा पनि सोका लागि सक्षम पार्टी कसरी बनाउने भन्नेमा केन्द्रित रह्यो । युद्धकालीन स्कुलिङ र फलामे अनुशासन भएको पार्टी, जस्तोसुकै बलिदानीको लागि तयार रहेको पार्टी, मृत्युलाई जीवनको पर्याय बनाएको पार्टी आज आन्तरिक गुटबन्दी, अराजकता, पद र प्रतिष्ठाका लागि मरिहत्ते गर्ने नेता-कार्यकर्तामा झांगिएको आदतप्रतिको चिन्ता बैठकको केन्द्रमा थियो ।

नेपाली कांग्रेसले बैठकको दृश्य लाइभ गरेको समाचारप्रति हौसिएर माओवादी झण्डै त्यही बाटोमा हिंडेको थियो । तर माओवादी पदाधिकारी बैठकको निर्णय कान्छो पुस्ताका केन्द्रीय सदस्यहरूको दबाबमा फेर्न बाध्य पदाधिकारीहरूको निर्णय क्षमता र उनीहरूको दूरदृष्टिका बारेमा भने पार्टीमा मनग्य छलफल भएन ।

जेहोस्, नसक्किने तर सच्चिने हो भने माओवादीले निम्न २१ काम गर्न जरूरी छ :

१. पुष्पलालले २००६ सालमा गरिदिएको नेपाली समाजको वर्ग-विश्लेषण बोकेर हिंडेका पार्टीका लागि हालको अवस्थाको विश्लेषण गरी नयाँ अनुसन्धान आधारित वर्ग-विश्लेषण गर्ने ।

२. नयाँ वर्ग-विश्लेषणका आधारमा पार्टी नीति कार्यक्रम, संगठन र कार्यशैलीको विकास गर्ने ।

३. कथनी र करनीमा देखिएको अन्तरलाई मेटाउने ।

४. ठूला त्याग र बलिदानले आर्जन गरेको संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको संविधानको स्वामित्व लिंदै त्यसको कार्यान्वयनमा जोड दिने ।

५. संविधान निर्माणका बखत राखेको भिन्न मतलाई संविधान सुधारको प्रस्थानविन्दु बनाउँदै पार्टी निर्माणको आधार बनाउने ।

६. संविधानले परिकल्पना गरेको नीति निर्देशक सिद्धान्तको कार्यान्वयन नै पार्टीको चुनावी घोषणापत्र र पार्टीको कार्यक्रममा ढालेर काम गर्ने ।

७. संघीयता कार्यान्वयनमा देखा परेको अन्योललाई चिर्ने र निर्बाध कार्यान्वयनको वातावरण तयार गर्ने ।

८. संघीयता कार्यान्वयन गर्न पार्टीको एकात्मक संरचना बाधक छ, राज्य संघीय तर त्यही राज्य संचालन गर्ने पार्टी एकात्मक यो अन्तरविरोध हल गर्न पार्टीलाई संघात्मक बनाउने ।

९. संघीय राज्यमा न्यायालय एकात्मक रहृयो, यसले खडा गरेका समस्या समाधान गर्न अदालतको संघीयकरणको योजना बनाउने ।

१०. पार्टीमा झांगिएका विकृति-विसंगतिको अन्त्य गर्न पारदर्शी जीवनशैली अवलम्बन गर्न सबैलाई उत्प्रेरित गर्ने ।

११. पार्टी नेताहरूको सम्पत्ति विवरण पार्टी कार्यालयमा खामबन्दी बुझाउने मात्र हैन, सार्वजनिक गर्ने र सोही आधारमा सार्वजनिक जीवन व्यतीत गरेर रोल मोडेल बन्न कोसिस गर्ने ।

१२. आजको विश्व परिवेशको अनुसन्धानमा आधारित विश्लेषण गर्ने र तदनुकूलको आफ्नो नीति परिमार्जन गर्ने ।

१३. विज्ञान र प्रविधिसँगै सूचनाप्रविधिमा आएको विकास र आर्टिफिसियल इन्टेलिजेन्सले ल्याएको परिवर्तनलाई आत्मसात् गर्ने र तदनुकूल पार्टीका नीति कार्यक्रम र व्यवहारमा परिमार्जन गर्ने ।

१४. रोबोटिक हैन, सिर्जनात्मक जीवनशैली अवलम्बन गर्दै हरेक नेता र कार्यकर्ताले स्वतन्त्र चिन्तन र विश्लेषण गर्न सक्ने क्षमताको विकास गर्ने ।

१५. दलाल र बिचौलियासँगको सम्बन्ध हैन जनतासँगको सम्बन्ध प्रगाढ बनाउने ।

१६. नेतृत्व क्षमतामा विकास, निर्णय प्रक्रियामा वस्तुवादिता र निर्णय कार्यान्वयनको स्तरोन्नतिमा ध्यान केन्द्रित गर्ने ।

१७. उत्पादन सम्बन्धमा परिवर्तन, उत्पादनका साधनमा जनताको स्वामित्व स्थापित गर्ने दिशामा ध्यान केन्दि्रत गर्ने ।

१८. गर्न नसकिने हजार हैन, गर्न सकिने चार कुरा मात्रै बोल्ने तर पूरा गरेरै छाड्ने ।

१९. परिवर्तनको कारण युद्धबाट थालेर हैन, त्यसले प्राप्त गरेका परिणाम (संघीयता, गणतन्त्र, धर्मनिरपेक्षता र समावेशिता) का आधारमा युद्धको औचित्य पुष्टि गर्ने कोसिस गरौं ।

२०. नेता-कार्यकर्ताबीच दास र मालिकको हैन, कमरेडी व्यवहार गरौं । जनतालाई मालिक मानौं ।

२१. सबै केन्द्रीय सदस्यले आफ्नो सम्पत्ति शिक्षा र स्वास्थ्यमा लगानी गर्न ट्रष्टलाई हस्तान्तरण गरौं ।

उल्लिखित मर्म र भावना बमोजिम योजना बनाउन र कार्यान्वयन गर्न सके बैठकको औचित्य पुष्टि हुनेछ । माओवादी भनाइ र गराइमा देखिएको अन्तर मेट्न पूरै तयार छ भन्ने पुष्टि गर्न तयार छ । त्याग, बलिदान र समर्पणको कीर्तिमानी कायम गरेको पार्टीले फेरि आफूलाई बदल्ने साहस गर्‍यो भन्ने पुष्टि हुनेछ ।

गणित जे-जस्तो होस्, एजेण्डामा निरन्तर दुई दशक नेतृत्व गरेको माओवादी पार्टी सच्चिंदा मुलुकको समृद्धि सपना पूरा हुन्छ । माओवादी नसच्चिंदा परिवर्तनका सबै उपलब्धि सक्किन सक्छन् । सक्किने हैन सच्चिने दिशा अवलम्बन गरौं । यसैमा देश र जनताको हित अनि कल्याण छ ।

on Party Building

 

सातौँ संविधान दिवश : अनुभव, उपलब्धि र चुनौति || Khimlal Devkota || Janat...

दलका कर्मकाण्डी बैठक : सिद्धान्त र आदर्श भुलेर तितो पोख्ने थलो

दलहरू बैठकै बस्दैनन् । बसिहाले पनि जनअपेक्षाका विषयमा एजेन्डा बनाएर छलफल गराउन रुचि राख्दैनन् । तब दलका बैठकहरू केवल मनको तितो पोख्ने थलो बनेका छन् । नेताहरू एकअर्काका पक्ष विपक्षमा ध्रुवीकृत गर्नमा तल्लीन हुन्छन् । https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/07/1341176 

भ्रष्टाचारविरुद्धका कानुन परिमार्जन

भ्रष्टाचारविरुद्धका कानुन परिमार्जन: भ्रष्टाचारविरुद्ध शून्य सहनशीलता भन्ने प्रतिबद्धतामा यति बेला सरकार खरो उत्रिएको छ। सरकारका यी काम प्रशंसनीय छन्; जसको भारी प्रशंसा भइरहेको छ। सरकारले के बिर्सन हुँदैन भने भ्रष्टाचारविरुद्धका यी कामलाई बलियो कानुनको बलियो समर्थन चाहिन्छ, ती कानुन संसद्मा थन्किएका छन् । संसद् मिटरब्याजीविरुद्धको कानुन पनि पारित गर्न तयार छैन भन्ने प्रमुख प्रतिपक्षले प्रस्ट पारिसकेको छ । ती कानुन शिघ्रातिशिघ्र पारित र प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयन आजको प्राथमिकताको विषय हो ।

Transitional Justice

 

The budget has been passed by the House of Representatives. Now, when the existing bill should be passed and the work should be carried forward, the House of Representatives is being blocked by one after another. When the case of fake Bhutanese refugees came up, the House was blocked, and Lalita Niwas was again disturbed. Meanwhile, the House was blocked even on the day of passing the ordinance brought to deal with the metering business. It is clear that those blocking the House are against these steps taken by the government and are in favor of fake Bhutan, the Lalita Niwas scandal, and meter trading. In this context, there is a danger that the Bill on Transitional Justice will be strengthened. It is also a request that this matter should not be dismissed under any pretext.

 

Nepal is a country that has gone through an armed conflict. The twelve-point agreement concluded between the then seven parties and the Maoists on how to deal with the events that happened during the Maoist People's War was to 'search for the truth and create an atmosphere of reconciliation in the society'. To embody this recognition, the government has now submitted a bill to the Parliament to amend the Investigation Truth and Reconciliation Commission Act 2071. Parliament is proceeding with its work on the bill. This article has been prepared to discuss this pending bill.

 

Because the current laws could not work immediately during the conflict, it is not possible to inform the concerned families about the events that happened during that time, and because no one is held responsible for the events that happened during the conflict because impunity is allowed, it is also impossible to provide compensation for those who suffered during the conflict. Since the state has to manage to prevent that kind of conflict from happening again, necessary legal arrangements have been made with the main purpose of investigating the truth of the events that happened during the conflict in the name of transitional justice. This type of law basically has four pillars. The first is to seek the truth, the second is to compensate the victims, the third is to ensure justice and the fourth is to ensure that it does not happen again.

 

Based on this concept of transitional justice, an attempt was made to establish a commission through an executive order during the peace agreement in Nepal. Unfortunately, the court ordered that Parliament should only legislate. The government's first attempt broke right here. The first government formed after the election of the Constituent Assembly tried to start work by issuing an ordinance. Another misfortune occurred, and the government changed. The new government did not submit the ordinance to the parliament. The second attempt also failed. As a third attempt, after the court terminated the term of the Constituent Assembly when handing over the power to the then Chief Justice, the then Prime Minister made a condition that, "he will leave power only after issuing the Transitional Justice Ordinance." Thus, in the third attempt, the law was finally made.

 

While the commissions were working, another misfortune occurred. The court annulled some important provisions of the ordinance which had been approved by the parliament. According to the order of the court, the transitional justice mechanism is no longer able to reconcile any case. So much so that cases like robbery, arson, and displacement had to be prosecuted. A petition was filed on behalf of the government to review this order of the court. The court held it. At the same time, due to the efforts of some transitional justice players, the petition was also dismissed. The fourth attempt also failed. As the fifth attempt, the bill was submitted to the parliament, which was repeatedly defeated by dissolution. At the last moment of its passage, it was also destroyed. Currently, this bill is under consideration in the parliament as the sixth attempt.

 

This is the bill, which has been discussed many times in all seven provinces. It has been continuously discussed for the past seventeen years. All the natives and foreigners are involved in the discussion. But still, the comment that "the discussion has not reached" is there. The international community also gave written comments on this bill. In which the decision of the special court cannot be assumed to be final, the 'right of appeal' must be kept, and 'it must be clarified that the matter is classified between the violation of human rights and violation of serious human rights', the provision of appeal has been addressed. This bill is under consideration in the context of trying to be clear about the classification of murder and gruesome murder and the relevant parties are clarifying it.

 

There is only one issue that is said to be disputed or unresolved. That too murder and brutal murder. Even though the subject is only this, there is a need to amend the bill. Some of the amendments have been registered due to a lack of understanding of transitional justice. Some have been deliberately registered to emphasize the issue. Some are concerned that the case has not been resolved, and arguments have been made to help resolve it. Some are worried about whether this case will be solved and have registered as an attempt to force it. The Parliament will not get bogged down in the forced amendment but will retreat from it. It is necessary to adopt a strategy that focuses on the purpose of passing the bill by accepting the settlement amendment.

 

After all, it is necessary to think about why the bill that is close to resolution is repeated again and again. Peace and war are opposites of each other. Those who want peace cannot enjoy war. One who delights in war cannot live in peace. Therefore, supporters and opponents of peace remain active in society. It is not enough for those who want peace to just preach peace. "To identify peace-breakers and war-mongers and before the people who have used to says that he should be able to sing. War broke out in almost 40 countries of the world. Peace was established through peace accords. None of them sang the song of Ekchhatra Shanti. Even after the peace process, those who have made a profit from the war are left behind. "They try to force the process by entering in the name of peace and justice," Nobel laureate President Santosh repeatedly repeats. He emphasizes that if you who want peace do not sing the song of peace with force, you will understand the song of war in that emptiness. War-hungry people don't often talk about war, they talk about justice. If you choose between peace and justice, you should choose peace. I am convinced that only peace brings justice. He did not hesitate to say that this is my suggestion to the Nepali peace process and the Nepali delegation.

 

The originality of Nepal lies in the success of the Nepali peace process. Mainstream political parties are not divided on the issue of peace and constitution. Even the international community is in one voice with some exceptions. Despite this, some unwittingly speak of justice and some deliberately set out to subvert this process. So this process is prolonged.

 

At the moment, people are commenting on murder and brutal murder. The enemies of peace are trying to play with the hope that the rest can be played from this point. While in Colombia, which was awarded the Nobel Prize, a law was made to pardon the murders committed by the warring parties as political crimes. The case investigated by the International Criminal Court is classified as an international crime. 60 years of imprisonment in ordinary criminal cases, because of transitional cases, kept six to eight years in prison. He arranged to determine that based on dialogue and dialogue with the victim. The national and international community supported the classification of other collective crimes, which are only addressed by transitional justice, while the rest are 'forget and forgive'. No one raised the issue of international standards there. The peace agreement signed by the government and the rebels was rejected by the referendum. But the supportive interpretation of the Constitutional Court there suggested that it be passed by the Parliament. He gave a message that the court is also responsible and committed to peace. Like here, the Parliament has never done the work of preaching by repealing the laws made by using the legislative powers. Those who don't want peace are in a campaign to intensify this matter by putting it as a pillow. In this case, sometimes the international community is also confused. Regardless, the government is trying to formulate laws that address the court order, the concerns of the international community, and the voice of the victims.

 

Why is this happening? The question is serious. The foundation for declaring a federal democratic republic inclusive and secular country goes to the People's War and the People's Movement that was completed on that foundation. Some people did not like the new constitution which institutionalized the important achievements it had achieved. Those same people repeatedly dare to attack the constitution, parliament, and the achievements of the movement. To fulfill their ambition, they intend to criminalize the foundation of this achievement. These ulterior motives sometimes manifest themselves in the government, in the parliament, sometimes in the courts, and sometimes in various areas of law-making. Therefore, the desire for peace can only be fulfilled if the guardians of peace are not deceived by someone or become a victim of someone's stupidity. It is important to understand wholeheartedly that this is the only way to protect the achievements of the movement.

 

संसद बैठक जस्तो देखियो, त्यस्तै लेखियो

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/07/1334596 

अवरोधै अवरोधका बीच संसद बैठक चालु छ । संविधान जारी भएपछिको दोस्रो निर्वाचन पश्चात् आहृवान भएको संसदको अधिवेशनमध्येको यो दोस्रो अधिवेशन हो । प्रतिनिधिसभाका सभामुखको हिसाबले यो पहिलो अनुभव हो । पुष्पकमल दाहाल प्रचण्ड तेस्रो पटक प्रधानमन्त्री भएका कारणले यो अधिवेशन पहिलो नहोला तर उनले अनुभव भने नौलो सम्हालिरहेका छन् । यो अधिवेशनमा नयाँ अनुहारकै उपस्थिति बलियो छ ।

राष्ट्रिय पार्टीमा आधाभन्दा बढी दल नयाँ छन् । दल नयाँ, सदस्य नयाँ, सभामुख नयाँ, गठबन्धन नयाँ, प्रतिपक्ष नयाँ त्यसैले सदनका बिजनेस पनि नयाँ छन् । संसदका बैठक संचालन प्रक्रिया पनि नयाँ छन् । त्यसैले परिणामहरू पनि झन् नयाँ छन् । बाहिरबाट हेर्ने जति सबैका लागि संसद बैठक अनौठो लागिरहेको छ ।

संसदको अनुभव गरिसकेकाहरूका दृष्टिमा या त आफूले गरेको अभ्यास गलत थियो, या त यो अभ्यास गलत भन्ने अवस्था पनि छ । यही पृष्ठभूमिमा संसद अधिवेशनको संक्षिप्त समीक्षा गर्ने प्रयत्न गरिएको छ ।

सङ्क्रमणकालीन न्याय

सङ्क्रमणकालीन न्याय: प्रतिनिधि सभाबाट बजेट पारित भएको छ। अब थाति रहेका विधेयक पारित गरी भटाभट काम अघि बढाउनु पर्ने बेलामा प्रतिनिधि सभामा एक पछि अर्को बखेडा झिकेर सदन अवरुद्ध पार्ने क्रम जारी छ। जति बेला नक्कली भुटानी शरणार्थी प्रकरण आयो सदन अवरुद्ध, ललिता निवास फेरि ब्यँतियो। हुँदाहुँदा मिटरब्याजीलाई कारबाही गर्न ल्याइएको अध्यादेश पारित गर्ने दिनसमेत सदन अवरुद्ध गरियो। कुरा प्रस्ट छ सदन अवरुद्ध गर्नेहरू सरकारले चालेका यी कदमविरुद्ध र नक्कली भुटानी, ललिता निवास काण्ड र मिटरब्याजीका पक्षमा छन्। यही

Event: Exploring the State of Federalism in Nepal

दिल्ली जाने दाहालका दूत । समानुपातिकमा दोहोरिन नपाइने ! ललिता निवासमा अप...

नागरिकले नागरिकता पाउने कुरामा कसैले दुख मनाउ गर्न पर्दैन अनागरिकले नागरिकता लिएमा उजुर गरौ खारेज गराउ त्यो व्यवस्थाको पनि उपयोग गरौ

 

आखिर आमाको नामवाट नागरिकता दिने कुरा अन्तरिम संविधान २०६३ ले नै प्रष्ट गरेको थियो । जन्मसिद्ध नागरिकका सन्तानलाई नागरिकता दिनै पर्ने थियो । गैर आवासीय नेपाली नागरिकलाइ संविधानले तोके वमोजिम नागरिकता दिनै पर्ने थियो । नया संविधानमा संघीय कानुन वमोजिम भनेका कारणले यो नागरिकता ऐन वन्न जरुरी थियो । त्यसो त अरु सवै ऐनलाई संविधानसंग वाझिएको हकमा वाहेक संघीय कानुन मानेर काम चलाएकै थियो नागरिकतामा राजनीति गर्नृ थियो त्यसैले अन्तरिम संविधान जारी भएको झण्डै १८ वर्ष भयो आमाका नामवाट नागरिकता दिने कुरा एक समानताको हकको कुरा थियो महिला अधिकार स्थापित गर्ने कुरा थियो । आमालाई अधिकार सम्पन्न वनाउने कुरा थियो तर दुर्भाग्यवश राष्ट्रपतिको पदको दुरुपयोग र अदालतको समेत दुरुपयोग गर्दै आजसम्म रोकियो । गैर आवासीय नागरिकता पनि संविधान जारी भएको मिति देखि नै दिन पर्ने थियो तर आजसम्म नदिए वापत राज्यले क्षतिपुर्ति दिन पर्छ समेत भनेको थिए । तर आज अनाहकमा राजनीति गर्नेहरुको चेहरा उदांगो भएको छ । संविधानको कार्यान्वयन हुने अवस्थाको सिर्जना भएको छ । संविधानमा लेखिए वमोजिमको नागरिकताको प्राव्धान लागु हुने भएको छ । यसमा कसैले दुख मान्न पर्ने कुरा छैन । नागरिकतावाट वंचित हुनुहुनेहरुले नागरिकता पाउने भएकाले खुशी मनाउने कुरा छ । संविधानका पक्षधर सवैले संविधान कार्यान्वयन भएकोमा खुशी मनाउन राम्रै होला । आयन्दा यस्ता मामलामा सस्तो राजनीति कसैले पनि नगर्ने कि ?

समाजवादी माेर्चा नेपाललाइ वधाइ

समाजवाद चाहनेहरूकालागि खुशीकाे खवर नेपालमा समाजवादी माेर्चा नेपालकाे घाेषणा भएकाे छ । यद्पि नेपालकाे संविधान घाेषणा भएकाे ८ वर्ष पछि याे माेर्चा गठन भएकाे छ । नेपालकाे संविधानले समाजवाद उन्मुख राज्य व्यवस्था र समाजवादी अर्थतन्त्रकाे अाधार तयार गर्ने कुरा गरेकाे छ । संविधानकाे याे मर्म पुरा गर्न याे माेर्चालाइ सफलता मिलाेस अाजका दिनमा  दिने सुभकामना यही नै हुनेछ । याे माेर्चा समाजवादकाे दिशामा  विमुख हुनेहरूकालागि चुनाैति र समाजवादीहरूकालागि अवसरकाे संयन्त्र वन्ने छ । यसै माेर्चाका माध्यमवाट समाजवादी यात्रा नजिकिनेछ । दलाल पुजिवादीहरूकालागि याे माेर्चा भारी पर्नेछ । समाजवादीहरूकालागि सहारा वन्ने छ ।

बरालिएको संसद, बहकिएको बहस

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/06/1321321 

कोलम्बिया गएको टोलीले त्यहाँका ‘प्रचण्ड’ लाई भेट्यो

कोलम्बिया गएको टोलीले त्यहाँका ‘प्रचण्ड’ लाई भेट्यो: दक्षिण अमेरिकी मुलुक कोलम्बियाको भ्रमणमा गएको नेपाली संसदीय टोलीले त्यहाँका प्रचण्ड अर्थात

वाइयात कुरा गरेर प्रचण्डलाई फसाउन खोजिया : Khemlaldevkota || Aajakosanda...

Global Talk : संविधानमा लेखिएको ले समस्या पर्यो, प्रचण्ड विरुद्धको मुद्द...

Khim Lal Devkota: गलत नियतले द्धन्द्धकालिन घटनामा माओवादी अध्यक्षविरुद्...

राजनीतिक स्थायित्वको लागि सहमतीय मोडेल, इतिहासबाट सिकौं

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/02/1266483?fbclid=IwAR0BjZa5Lkq5AqM7xfXYouCwb5oFA1hAGR5JjYdtbOPONTd6lnNzTAMVXQk 

माओवादीले हिंसा शुरु गरेको जनयुद्ध दिबसलाई संविधानले चिन्छ? माओवादी करेक...

यो सरकार तेस्रो श्रेणीको हो, विचार र एजेण्डा भन्दा पनि शक्ति बाँडफाटमा ट...

A strong prime minister born by a weak parliament

View of the arithmetic obtained in the elections held last November, it created a weak parliament. Due to the mixed electoral system adopted by us, it is difficult for a single party to form a majority government. Previously, it was possible to form a government when at least two parties came together, but this time, it was not possible to establish a majority without a coalition of five or seven parties.

The 'Hung Parliament' in vogue in the parliamentary system has been turned into a 'Super Hung Parliament' by this election result. Even more strangely, Pushpa Kamal Dahal Prachanda has got the opportunity to become the prime minister with the strongest support even in such adverse conditions. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities of the strong Prime Minister Prachanda in this weak parliament.

A strange picture appeared in the arithmetic of the Parliament this time. Compared to the previous elections, the number of voters increased while the votes of established parties decreased. Newly registered parties received such an unexpected vote that they succeeded in becoming national parties in their first attempt. On the other hand, CPN Unified Socialist, which was elected by the largest party in the parliament, has failed to become a national party. The goal of the Congress-led ruling coalition that formed a five-party alliance was to weaken significantly the UML, which had reached the opposition. As internal unity could not be strengthened, the ruling coalition could not even come close to its goal.

On the other hand, the arrogance of the UML, which was inflamed in the parliamentary elections by dissolving the parliament twice in 6 months, would have entered the lion's palace with a majority. The election results also dashed the hopes of the UML, which started the election campaign by announcing the future prime minister. They commented that the new independent parties won't win a single seat.

What's more, the new parties entered the elections with the announcement of the future prime minister and insulting greatness. Overall, no one is satisfied with the results of this election. The truth is that no one's goals were fulfilled by this election. A weak parliament in which no one is satisfied is in danger of being attacked by anyone at any time. Glimpses which have started appearing in the early days.

Another unexpected event like the election results was that a weak parliament gave a strong prime minister. The Prime Minister received an almost unanimous vote of confidence, contrary to the expectations of a thin majority government and a thin vote of confidence. This has become a strange phenomenon in Nepali politics.

However, less than a month after receiving the vote of confidence, the race for the chair has already started. Those who supported him remained in the opposition because they did not get the ministry of their choice, while those who went to the government left the government for the same reason. This is not a good sign for political stability. But the positive thing is that this government has received a vote of confidence from both the ruling party and the opposition.

Even after the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic, it is a matter of general discussion that the conduct and behavior could not be adapted to it. It has been established that even though the system has changed, the situation has not changed, and even though the character has changed, the tendency has not changed, because the structure envisioned by the constitution and the officers in charge do not behave accordingly.

As a result, the government has become a musical chair. Bargaining opportunities for the parties that joined the government have weakened. There is an added concern that if my party withdraws its support, another party will participate in the government. As soon as someone leaves the chair of the government, the parties are ready to sit there.

With the failure of Ravi Lamichhane's thousand attempts to hang on to the seat of the House, a dozen Home Minister candidates from half a dozen parties have started running for office. In this way, the Prime Minister has been given many options as to the size and type of government.

UM considers itself the designer of this government. Along with this, the government also has the support of Congress. He wants to correct the mistakes by awakening the alliance of the electorates. Therefore, as soon as the UML leaves the government, it is certain that Congress will enter. UML also does not want to lose power at the state and center simultaneously. Madhav is with the Nepal Congress just as the RSVP and the RPP were under the shadow of KP Oli. On the other hand, CK Raut, who tried to present mature politics, has the most faith in Prachanda. In this way, Prachanda's prime ministerial math does not seem weak.

Even the influence of external forces is now in the shadows. However, they have not stopped trying to chase away the power of the enemy from the government and bring in the power of the good. This government is in a favorable position to turn the sensitive geographical location into an opportunity. Nepal has got a good opportunity to take a stand to protect its interests. At this time when world politics has become extremely divided in history, Nepal has got an opportunity to maintain its self-respect without being a porter of anyone. Prachanda government should not fail to make full use of it.

Ravi Lamichhane, who became controversial in the case of conflict of interest, has been expelled due to the decision of the Constitutional Bench of the Supreme Court. At a time when the citizenship and passport disputes are under investigation, he has finally called back all the ministers of the party, who made the decision that the Ministry of Home Affairs should be the one. He wanted to become the Home Minister even though he had left the Deputy Prime Minister. KP Oli's arguments in the parliament and the attack on the Supreme Court have also failed.

This was done in a press conference by the responsible official who took the oath of secrecy and took the key of the right house a few days agoThis level of comment is not natural. He spoke on the strength of the information received because he led the Ministry of Home Affairs. He finally gave up his attachment to Shakti and left. His language and style showed his own face. The allegations of bargaining by the media house raised the suspicion that it was not the experience of doing journalism. Because he is also accused of the same.

Overall, he could not confirm that his interests were not conflicted. Instead, he used the style of saying, "When other people's interests conflict, it is not mine" and "I have made a mistake, but you will write my mistake too." His presentation served to weaken his argument and case. Even though he was deprived of the position of MP, there was no fault of his fellow ministers. The decision to call them back is not based on any logic and facts. Rather, it seems to be based on personal interest and desire. Ravi demonstrated his ego and feudal style that why would he become a minister after the party president's ministerial position was gone.

Media owners have separate issues to review, they have to do that. But when the reference did not match, it was like 'Bela na Kubela Baji Nayla'. If they had not written about him, the media owners would have been good for him! Despite this, his accusations against the media owners have raised two questions at the same time. First, he should show an example of what a media owner should be by exposing the facts of being a media owner, only then will there be no room for pointing fingers at others. He has taken this responsibility on himself. Secondly, those who accused him have to confirm that it is not a fact. Despite this, the role played by the media in the establishment of a federal democratic republic is not acceptable. This is confirmed by the immediate responses from the concerned parties. He expressed his anger towards the role played by the media in the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic. Does he want to separate himself from it? The question has been raised. It is necessary for him to give the answer himself.

Even after the establishment of the Federal Democratic Republic, it is a matter of general discussion that the conduct and behavior could not be adapted to it. It has been established that the structure envisioned by the constitution and the officers in charge do not behave accordingly, even though the system has changed, the situation has not changed, and even though the character has changed, the trend has not changed.

With recent developments, that evil has started to be exposed not only in the organization but in individuals as well. Currently, the Federal Democratic Republic alone is fighting against those ethnic elements. It is a situation where those who gave up and sacrificed for the establishment of a federal democratic republic have become like witnesses of the broken edge. After changing that situation, now is the right time to rally in favor of the Federal Democratic Republic, which is fighting alone against those ethnic elements. It is important to increase everyone's interest in this regard. In particular, Prime Minister Prachanda needs to emphasize this. A strong Prime Minister born out of weak parliamentary arithmetic should take some decisive steps.

कमजोर संसदले जन्माएका बलिया प्रधानमन्त्रीको कार्यभार

पछिल्ला घटनाक्रमले अब संस्था मात्रै हैन, व्यक्ति-व्यक्तिमा त्यो खराबी उजागर हुन थालेको छ । कमजोर संसदीय अंकगणितले जन्माएको बलिया प्रधानमन्त्रीले केही निर्णायक कदम चालून् ।

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/02/1259139 

Conflict of Interest in Nepali Politics

The conflict of interest concept holds that one should abstain from making decisions when doing so would be to their best benefit. In Nepal, a person with an interest is called an expert, and his or her involvement in the decision is considered mandatory rather than recusal or separation from the decision.

Stephen Emond, the author of the Holistic Self-Realization book, writes, “90 percent of relationships are born out of misunderstandings, or relationships are born out of conflicting interests. Disagreements end in agreement, but conflicted subjects fail to find a solution. Therefore, a 10 percent conflict is 9 times stronger than a 90 percent conflict in destroying a relationship.”

Similarly, the chairman of the Constituent Assembly of India, VR Ambedkar, said, “Where ethics and money interests collide, money will always win. In money and ethics, ethics should be won. Still, if the vested interests do not get enough power to force themselves, then they will not know that they have separated themselves voluntarily.” He has given a message that this is a difficult task but it is inevitable.

Making decisions based on your own interests is not advisable. He/she should refrain from making decisions in this circumstance by using the same behavior, even if they were in government. Of course, it is generally agreed that one should begin their task only by publicly announcing that they have no conflict of interest in this topic before making a judgment. It is said that not only should one not participate in the decision-making of a matter related to one’s own interest, but also one should not participate even in the discussion of that matter. The reason behind doing this is to try to increase the credibility of decisions made in public places. In the area of justice, it is said that “Judgment is not only to be done but also to be seen to be done”.

Similarly, in the executive office, it is expected that the decision should not only be corrected but also be seen to be done. If there is disbelief towards the expected decision at first glance, no matter how honestly the decision is made, the conclusion that that decision was correct does not come out. As a result, it’s critical to teach the conviction that the decision was, is, and always will be fair, right, and accurate. Any decision made in the absence of this faith, regardless of how wise it may be, will be regarded as flawed.

Based on the belief that one person cannot serve two masters at the same time, this issue is basically a moral bond. A person has a public duty on the one hand and on the other hand, he has his own interests, so he cannot judge in both cases. So in such a case, no matter who the person is, no matter how high a position he is, he should stay away from the said decision. The United Nations Convention Against Corruption [UNCAC] clarifies the involvement of 3 elements in the matter of conflict of interest: “First public responsibility, second private interest and third undue pressure in the work” that is, if public and private interest collide, the inevitable result is improper action through undue pressure. The Organization of Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD] has also established a standard in the case of self-interest and its conclusion is that “Corruption occurs when self-interest is decided.”

After talking about principles and scriptures, it is almost mandatory to discuss Nepali politics. If you look at the picture of the recently formed Council of Ministers against the scriptures and beliefs, the result will be negative.

The Nepal Police is the investigating body in the Supreme Court’s case involving citizenship. The Ministry of Home Affairs oversees the Nepal Police, and the Home Minister is involved in this conflict.

The Ministry of Labor and Employment is the department in charge of handling the dispute when messages from people who have engaged in the foreign employment business and those who have recently traveled abroad are stuck abroad and have not found work become widely popular on social media. The disputed individual is also appointed as a minister of that ministry. The minister of the Ministry of Education is a similar example of a person with vested interests in private educational institutions.

He was successful in obtaining the largest contract in the nation as an A-class contractor, and the authority has launched a case alleging corruption while the issue is being heard in court. He was also chosen to be a minister.

There may be many others, but the four ministers mentioned above stand out. They speak for all parties other than Congress, UML, and Maoists. “Congress-UML Maoist leaders are corrupt, hence they should be stopped,” was their winning campaign slogan. To be more precise, they popularized the idea that “prioritizing good governance” and “doing corruption is like drinking mother’s blood,” but they are also some of the candidates who were elected on the basis of this idea.

Tell me, where are we at in terms of recognizing Nepal’s interest in this situation? How much difference is there in the slogan and practice of eliminating corruption along with ethics, transparency, and good governance? Who will notice the difference between speech and action? Or how will those who came to power deal with this question by saying that “One thing while out of power and another thing after coming to power has become the character of Nepali politics”? What will happen to the state of our country and society if the voters, who have been deceived and swayed for years, come to the conclusion that they have become more foolish this time? The questions are serious and unanswerable.

The above serious questions must be answered by the person who is in public accountability. A public official caught in the trap of double self-interest cannot be impartial. While judging one interest, another interest may be harmed or unjust. If the decision-making official is reluctant to stay away from that decision or that position in the case of conflicting interests, it is assumed that there will be bias in those particular decisions. When making a special decision, there will be a special setting to fulfill their interests. Doing so will demoralize the state agencies. It can be said that it is inevitable that the credibility of the state agencies will be undermined. There can be a conflict of interest in a particular business. When competitors have financial or personal relationships with ministers, officials, employees, or officials, they can influence every decision or action.

Conflicts of interest can have detrimental effects on the parties involved, the organizations they work for, and the general public. Due to their self-interest, individuals may engage in an immoral or criminal action, the most dreaded result of which is political corruption. In addition to governmental corruption, illegal trade and bribes will grow. They may also erode public confidence in all governmental institutions, officials, and agencies. The system of state operation will be utterly dismantled if the state structures, public office holders, political party leaders, party activist ideologues, and the general populace are coerced into acting in the public interest.

If the state ceases to function as a state, it will be transformed into a machine that relies on external conditions, and its power will be forfeited. The idea of law comes to an end. There will be no democracy. Autocracy then rears its ugly head once more. Those who put their lives in danger to fight tyranny lose some of their moral courage. After all, if the final result is authoritarianism, then it will not be of interest to anyone, regardless of whether it is done in the name of democracy or in the name of something else. People today think that by putting their trust in the state’s structures and the politicians in charge of them, their interests and riches are secure.

In this belief, the laws made by the state and the taxes determined by the state are also committed to paying. When this trust is lost, then there will be a situation of disobeying the laws made by the state and refusing to pay the taxes set by the state, then extreme chaos will begin. In anarchy, learned rules and laws will stop working. Sri Lanka is the latest example of the fact that the latest attack of anarchy is being done by public officials. In Sri Lanka, where the economic crisis reached its peak, the state collapsed and all the state agencies failed to maintain law and order. Then the target common people became the office of President and Prime Minister’s Office.

Many nations, as well as its organs and bodies, have put a lot of effort into locating and revealing conflicts of interest as a way to address them. Policies and procedures of a permanent character have been devised in order to manage the cases of conflict of interest that have been discovered and disclosed, and the adoption of their unqualified compliance has been recognized. It demands that people declare their financial and private interests, develop codes of behavior, and set up oversight organizations to check on compliance with these rules. Your self-interest is the first indicator that something has been compromised. Success can only be attained if one can forge a moral imperative to identify selfishness and let it be known without feeling guilty about it. Creating a culture of commitment to follow it will only be possible if there is a public comment if self-declaration is not available.

Finally, conflicts of interest are a frequent issue for nonprofit organizations, for-profit corporations, and even the government. It is also obvious that people’s or organizations’ decisions or every action are impacted when they have conflicting interests or worries, or whether they receive favoritism or loyalty from them whether it is voluntary or required. It goes without saying that selfishness can influence his choice. Conflicts of interest can result in immoral, unlawful, or criminal actions, which can erode public confidence in the government and its institutions. As a result, if we want to eliminate this kind of risk, we must identify the conflict of interest, make it public through self-declaration, or, if that is not possible, even if only the public comments are made, separate from the post or decision-making process, and manage effective policies and procedures to address it. Conditions must be established in order for them to be implemented successfully.

There are numerous instances where former finance ministers returned after receiving a clean bill of health, including Janardan Sharma who enabled unapproved middlemen to enter the budget, and Ramsharan Mahat who resigned owing to concerns about holding a foreign currency account. Given that the Supreme Court is currently debating whether or not his eligibility to serve in parliament due to his citizenship dispute, will the minister of home affairs dare to resign from the ministry on the grounds that his own interests have been compromised? Even if the agency looking into citizenship is part of the same ministry. Can he and the people who are in the limelight and who are not in every public office and position like him publicize their conflict of interest through self-declaration and stay away from that position or decision and set the standard of good governance? This is what people expect from those who do the most about transparency and good governance.

Khimlal Devkota

Devkota is a Senior Advocate and Member of the Constituent Assembly of Nepal.

https://merotribune.com/2023/01/22/conflict-of-interest-in-nepali-politics/ 

विचार :

प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डको तेस्रो परीक्षा

संविधानका समर्थक र विरोधी, गणतन्त्रवादी र राजावादी, संघीयता पक्षधर र विरोधी, समावेशिताका पक्षधर र विपक्षी सबै एकैठाउँमा उभिएको खिचडी सरकारको नेतृत्व गर्ने काम कम चानचुने छैन ।

 खिमलाल देवकोटा

 २०७९ पुष २७ गते ८:११

प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डको यो तेस्रो कार्यकाल हो । पहिलो र दोस्रो कार्यकालको परीक्षाको अनुभवका आधारमा सामना गर्न तयार भएका प्रचण्डका लागि यो तेस्रो परीक्षा हो । यो परीक्षा सामना गर्नुको विकल्प प्रचण्डका लागि छैन । उनको सफलता र असफलतामा मुलुकको विकास र समृद्धिको सफलता र असफलता पनि जोडिएको छ । हामीलाई मुलुकको सफलताको विकल्प खोज्ने सुविधा छैन ।

प्रचण्ड यस्तो पात्र हुन् जसले युद्धको नेतृत्व गरिरहँदा नै हरेक तहको नेतृत्व हरेक परीक्षामा पास हुनैपर्छ भन्ने गर्दथे । प्रचण्ड भन्ने गर्थे, एकपटक पास भएको वा उत्कृष्ट ठहरिएको नेता वा कार्यकर्ता सर्वकालिक पास वा उत्कृष्ट हुन्छ भन्ने छैन । त्यसैले क्रान्तिकारी भइरहन निरन्तर परीक्षामा सामेल हुँदै पास हुनैपर्ने बाध्यता छ । निरन्तर क्रान्तिको सिद्धान्त अनुसार क्रान्तिको नेता पनि निरन्तर पास हुन जरूरी छ भन्ने उनको आशय थियो ।

यो मामला क्रान्ति गर्ने समयको थियो । अर्थात् विद्यमान राज्य सत्ता ध्वंस गर्ने बेलाको थियो । तर यतिबेला परिस्थिति बदलिएको छ । अब ध्वंस हैन, निर्माणको आवश्यकता छ । पार्टी, समाज र राष्ट्र निर्माण आजको कार्यभार हो । हिजो ध्वंसमा उत्कृष्ट ठहरिएकाहरू आज निर्माणमा उत्कृष्ट ठहरिन जरूरी छ, त्यसले मात्र नेतृत्वको परीक्षा र परीक्षण हुन्छ । यही पृष्ठभूमिमा भन्दा अबको राजनीति निर्माणमा उत्कृष्टताको प्रमाणपत्र प्राप्त गर्ने गरी हुनुपर्छ, कम्तीमा यो परीक्षामा उत्तीर्ण भने पनि हुनैपर्छ । यो कुरा प्रचण्डका हकमा पनि लागू हुन्छ ।

ध्वंसको चरण पार गरेर निर्माणको चरणमा प्रवेश गरेपछि प्रचण्ड प्रधानमन्त्री बन्ने वा बनाउने काममा केन्द्रित भए । आफू प्रधानमन्त्री बन्ने परीक्षामा उनी तीन पटक उत्तीर्ण भए, तर गरेको काममा उत्तीर्ण भए कि भएनन्, मूल्यांकन गर्ने जिम्मा समीक्षकहरूमै छोडौं ।

पहिलो कार्यकाल

पहिलो प्रधानमन्त्रीको रूपमा प्रचण्डको ‘इनिङ’ शान्ति प्रक्रियामा आएपछिको पहिलो परीक्षा थियो । उनले पार्टीलाई सर्वाधिक ठूलो बनाए र प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा देशकै नेतृत्व गर्ने हैसियतमा पुर्‍याए, यो उनको सफलता हो । सहमतीय मोडेलको संविधान खासगरी दुई तिहाइको समर्थनमा सरकार बन्ने र ढाल्न पनि दुई तिहाइ नै चाहिने बलियो संवैधानिक व्यवस्था भत्काएर प्रधानमन्त्री बन्नु गलत कदम सावित भयो । सहमतीय मोडेल भत्काएर बहुमतीय मोडेलमा गएपछि संविधान बन्ने भन्दा सरकार बन्ने र भत्काउने खेल हुने स्वतःसिद्ध थियो । सोही कर्मको प्रतिफल प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डको कार्यकाल पाँच वर्षबाट छोट्टिएर केवल नौ महिनामा सीमित भयो ।

शक्तिशाली प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डले सेनापति हटाउने गरी गरेको निर्णय तत्कालीन राष्ट्रपतिले उल्ट्याउँदा राजिनामा दिन बाध्य हुनुपर्‍यो । उनी काम गर्न नपाइकन बिदा हुनुपर्‍यो । त्यसो त अत्यन्त छोटो समयमा तयार गरिएको बजेटले नेपालको अर्थतन्त्रलाई नयाँ मोड दिन सफल भयो । उनले दक्षिण फर्केको बजेटमा उत्तर–दक्षिणको सन्तुलन कायम राख्न प्रयत्न गरे । दक्षिण केन्द्रित विनियोजन बजेटमा समग्र सन्तुलन कायम गर्न प्रयत्न गरे । पूँजीको अभाव व्यहोरिरहेको मुलुकका लागि अथाह राजस्व संकलन गर्न सकिन्छ भन्ने पुष्टि गर्दै खर्च गर्ने क्षमता बढाउन मिहिनेत गर्नैपर्ने बाध्यात्मक सन्देश दिए । ‘जनयुद्ध’का शहीदहरूलाई राष्ट्रिय शहीदको मान्यता दिए । साना किसानको ऋण मिनाहा गर्दै किसानहरूका तर्फबाट राज्यले बैंकको ऋण तिरिदिएर किसानलाई ऋण मुक्त गरिदिए ।

खिमलाल देवकोटा

यी उल्लेखनीय कामका आधारमा पहिलो कार्यकालको मूल्यांकन गर्नुपर्दछ । त्यसो त आफंैले ल्याएको बजेट कार्यान्वयन गर्न नपाएको अवस्थाका बावजुद पनि गणतन्त्र कार्यान्वयनसँग सम्बन्धित कानुनहरूको निर्माणले मुलुकलाई राजतन्त्रबाट गणतन्त्रको संक्रमण सहज बनायो । आर्थिक समृद्धिको सपना र आश्वासन नै सही जनताको अवस्था बदल्ने बाहेक राजनीतिको अर्को ध्येय हुनुहुँदैन भन्ने तथ्य स्थापित गर्न सके । गरिब किसानलाई ऋणमोचन गर्न प्रयत्न गरे । यी कामका आधारमा उनले पहिलो परीक्षाको सामना गरेको बुझ्न जरूरी हुन्छ ।

पहिलो कार्यकालमा उनीसँग भारी बहुमत थियो, क्रान्ति र जनआन्दोलनको रापतापसहितको सरकार थियो । यद्यपि अपेक्षाकृत सफलता हासिल नभएको भन्न हिच्किचाउनुपर्दैन । पहिलो कार्यकालको अनुभव र शिक्षाको आधारमा दोस्रो कार्यकालको थालनी गर्न प्रचण्ड स्वयंलाई बाध्य बनाउँछ भन्ने लाग्दछ ।

दोस्रो कार्यकाल

पहिलो कार्यकालको तुलनामा दोस्रो कार्यकाल तुलनात्मक रूपमा कमजोर थियो । उनी असहज परिस्थितिबाट मात्रै उक्त पदमा उक्लिएका थिए । विनाशकारी भूकम्पले सिर्जना गरेको नयाँ परिस्थितिलाई क्यास गर्न माहिर प्रचण्डले संविधान निर्माण गरिछाड्ने अभियानको थालनी गरे । सरकारको नेतृत्व सुशील कोइरालाको भए पनि समग्र अभियानको नेताका रूपमा प्रचण्डलाई दुनियाँले मानेको छ । संविधान जारी गर्ने कामका सन्दर्भमा यो कुरा मान्नै पर्छ कि हाम्रो संविधान मुद्दामा सहमति भएर होइन, शक्ति बाँडफाँडमा भएको सहमतिले मात्र जारी गर्न सम्भव भएको हो ।

पहिलो कार्यकाल एमालेलाई, दोस्रो प्रचण्ड र तेस्रो कार्यकाल देउवाका लागि छुट्याइएको थियो । यो भागबण्डामा दलहरू सहमत भएपछि मात्र संविधान जारी भएको थियो । यो अभियानको नेतृत्व प्रचण्ड स्वयंले गरेका थिए । संविधान त जारी भयो तर सहमति बमोजिम सत्ता हस्तान्तरणमा व्यवधान आयो । सहमति कार्यान्वयन गर्न अविश्वासको प्रस्तावको सहारा लिनुपर्नेसम्मको स्थिति बन्यो ।

उक्त असहज स्थितिको सामना गर्दै उनी प्रधानमन्त्री बने । उनको काँधमा स्थानीय तहको पुनर्संरचनासहित निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्दै संविधान कार्यान्वयनको पहिलो आधारस्तम्भ तयार गर्ने जिम्मेवारी थियो । उक्त जिम्मेवारी पूरा गर्न उनी सफल भए । सोही सफल सुरुवातका कारण स्थानीय तहको दोस्रो निर्वाचन पनि सम्पन्न भइसकेको छ । यसरी संविधान जारी गर्ने र अग्रभागमा रहेर स्थानीय तहको पुनर्संरचना र निर्वाचन सम्पन्न गर्ने कामका आधारमा प्रचण्डको दोस्रो कार्यकाल पनि सफल भएको मान्न हिच्किचाउनुपर्दैन ।

अब तेस्रो कार्यकालको परीक्षा सुरु भएको छ । प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डका लागि यो कार्यकाल अत्यधिक चुनौतीपूर्ण छ । उनी क्रमशः खस्किंदै गएको शक्तिको नेताका रूपमा सत्तामा उक्लिएका छन् । भलै, उनलाई संसदको असाधारण समर्थन मिले पनि सरकार टिकाउन कमजोर र पातलो बहुमतको टालाटुलीको सहारा लिनुपर्ने अवस्था छ ।

भूराजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताको चपेटामा नेपाली राजनीति र नेतृत्व उभिएको छ । आर्थिक संकटका बाछिटा देखिन थालेका छन् । यी सबैको सकारात्मक सम्बोधन आजको आवश्यकता र प्रधानमन्त्रीको चुनौती दुवै हो ।

यो अवस्थामा संविधानले संस्थागत गरेको संघीयताको सफल कार्यान्वयन उनका लागि पहिलो चुनौती हो । संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रको संविधान जारी भएको एक दशक नपुग्दै संघीयताका विरुद्धमा औपचारिक आवाज उठिरहेका छन् । संघीयताको कार्यान्वयन भइनसक्दै कार्यान्वयनलाई बीचैमा रोकेर संघीयता खारेज गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने आवाजहरू सुनिन थालेका छन् । केही राजनीतिक दलले उठाएको सो आवाजलाई जनताको स्तरबाटै चासोका साथ हेर्ने–सुन्ने गर्न थालिएको छ । संविधानरूपी घरलाई धानेका चारमध्ये संघीयता एक तर महत्वपूर्ण पिलर हो । त्यसका बारेमा प्रश्न गर्ने भनेको सिंगो संविधानरूपी घर नै गल्र्यामगुर्लुम पार्ने षड्यन्त्र बाहेक अरू केही होइन । यो षड्यन्त्रको सामना गर्ने काम प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डको कठिन परीक्षा हो । यसरी हेर्दा साततिर फर्केका दलहरूको गठजोड सरकारका लागि बहुमत पुर्‍याउनुपर्ने र सो बहुमत धानेरै राख्नुपर्ने बाध्यता प्रचण्डको अर्को परीक्षा हो ।

संविधानका समर्थक र विरोधी, गणतन्त्रवादी र राजावादी, संघीयता पक्षधर र विरोधी, समावेशिताका पक्षधर र विपक्षी सबै एकै ठाउँमा उभिएको खिचडी सरकारको नेतृत्व गर्ने काम कम चानचुने छैन । तर सबैको साझा प्रस्थानविन्दु भनेको संविधानसभाबाट जारी भएको संविधान नै हो । त्यही संविधानमा टेकेर सबका सब संसद प्रवेश गरेका हुन् । त्यसैले आफैं संसद प्रवेश गरेको द्वारको रक्षा गर्न सबै राजनैतिक दल बाध्य छन् । बाध्य बनाउन प्रचण्ड सफल देखिएका छन् र यसको निरन्तरता जोगाउन सके प्रचण्ड तेस्रो परीक्षामा पनि पास हुनेछन् ।

विगत पाँच वर्षको अनुभवले संघीयता कार्यान्वयनमा गम्भीर चुनौती खडा भएको छ भन्ने कुरामा कुनै विवाद छैन । समन्वय, सहकार्य र सहअस्तित्वको सिद्धान्तमा आधारित संघीयता कार्यान्वयनको सफलता संविधानले परिकल्पना गरेका समन्वयकारी संयन्त्रहरूको क्रियाशीलतामा भर पर्नेछ ।

राजनैतिक विवाद समाधान गर्ने अन्तर प्रदेश परिषदको बैठक झण्डै पाँच वर्षदेखि बसेको छैन । राष्ट्रिय समन्वय परिषदको मनोनयन गर्ने काम पनि भएको छैन । त्यसको बैठक बस्ने र त्यसले कामको प्रतिवेदन दिने त धेरै परको कुरा भयो । राष्ट्रिय समन्वय परिषदको विषयगत समितिको क्रियाशीलताले दिनानुदिन आइपर्ने समस्याको समाधान दिन सक्छ । तिनको क्रियाशीलतामा संघीयताको कार्यान्वयनसँगै प्रधानमन्त्रीको सफलता पनि जोडिएको छ । त्यसैगरी प्रदेश समन्वय सम्बन्धी कानुन बनाउने कुरा र सो बमोजिम समन्वय र राजनैतिक विवाद समाधान गर्न प्रदेशका मुख्य मन्त्रीहरूलाई सहजीकरण गरिदिने कुरा पनि प्रधानमन्त्रीको पहलकदमीका दृष्टिले उचितै ठहरिनेछ । यसो गर्न सक्दा संविधानको कार्यान्वयन, संघीयताको कार्यान्वयन र प्रदेशको क्रियाशीलतामाथि उठाएका प्रश्नहरूको सकारात्मक जवाफ दिन सफल हुनेछ । यसो गरिसक्दा संघीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक संविधानको कार्यान्वयनको कोसेढुंगा सावित हुनेछ ।

यसैगरी भूराजनीतिक संवेदनशीलताको चपेटामा नेपाली राजनीति र नेतृत्व उभिएको छ । आर्थिक संकटका बाछिटा देखिन थालेका छन् । यी सबैको सकारात्मक सम्बोधन आजको आवश्यकता र प्रधानमन्त्रीको चुनौती दुवै हो । यी र यस्तै मुद्दाहरूको सकारात्मक सम्बोधनले मात्रै प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा तेस्रो कार्यकालको सफलतासँगै संविधानको सफलता र संविधान कार्यान्वयनबाट प्राप्त हुने समृद्धिको सफलता समेत गाँसिनेछ ।

अन्त्यमा, प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डले विगतका अनुभवको सदुपयोग गर्ने र गल्तीबाट पाठ सिक्ने बताइसकेका छन् । उनले यो कार्यकालमा क्रान्तिकारी आवेग ब्युँताएर काम गर्ने प्रतिबद्धता जनाइसकेका छन् । प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा अनुभवले खारिएको र आशालाग्दो व्यक्तित्व पनि बनेको छ । उनले आफूलाई सबैलाई जोड्न सक्ने नेताका रूपमा स्थापित गर्दै लगेका छन् ।

साथसाथै राजनैतिक दलहरूमा परिपक्वता बढ्दै गएको छ । यो पक्ष प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डका लागि दृढतापूर्वक निर्णय गर्न र सोको कार्यान्वयन गर्ने महत्वपूर्ण आधार हुन् । अब ती आधारहरूको सदुपयोग कति सार्थकताका साथ हुन्छ, त्यो हेर्न बाँकी छ । जनताका अपेक्षा कुन स्तरबाट सम्बोधन हुन्छन्, दलहरूको परिपक्वताले कस्तो आकार लिन्छ, यसैमा प्रधानमन्त्रीका रूपमा प्रचण्डको तेस्रो कार्यकालीन परीक्षाको परिणाम प्राप्त हुनेछ ।https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2023/01/1246044