कार्यक्रम आर्काइभ

कार्यक्रम आर्काइभ

विचौलियाको माग पुरा नगरेको दिन ओली सरकार ढल्छ : खिमलाल देवकोटा | Global Talk | Global TV HD

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12 Point Understanding the Background of TRC

                                            12 Point Understanding the Background of TRC

Khimlal Devkota

 

The discussion of Transitional Justice or "TRC" is at its in height again. Prime Minister KP Oli addressed the United Nations General Assembly about "TRC". In the meeting with the Secretary General, he said that we will implement it with sincerity. When he was in the opposition, he had said that Prachanda, who was the Prime Minister, was not honest during the General Secretary's visit to Nepal. But this bill was passed when Prachanda was in the opposition. While being in the opposition, Prachanda has not stuck the bill that anyone would have stuck with. Maybe it caused some trouble and it was forced to give an explanation. However, the TRC bill was passed when the Maoist opposition and UML were the prime minister, which many did not expect. It was also passed unanimously. I have started this series of articles in order to discuss about this in a serial way from the past.

It is a well-known fact that the people's war led by the Maoist party in Nepal lasted for ten years. During the same period, there was one crisis after another in the parliamentary parties of that time. At this time, the monarchy was able to seize the opportunity. The Royal Massacres (Durwar Hatyakanda) became an event that transformed the Nepali politics of this period. After the death of King Birendra, Gyanendra became a king and seat in throne, or Gaddinshin. The Popular opinion, who believed the incarnation of lord Vishnu also came to the conclusion that Gyanendra is not a king but a murderer. It was established that the real king was killed. In this situation, the monarchy, which is said to have been constitutionalized by the 1990s Constitution, dared to misuse of the Article 127 of the same constitution. Using this means, they dissolved the parliament, dissolved the government and dissolved the constitution at a time. The king himself became the chairman of the council of ministers. There was an unofficially announced the band against to the parties. The leaders were put under house arrest and many leaders were already in custody. It was in this environment that the triangular power struggle between the king, the parliamentary parties and the Maoists became two-sided after the Royal massacre. As a result, twelve-point understanding were signed. The 12-point Understanding between the then seven parties and CPN-Maoist, announced on 22 November 2005, stated as follows:

5. The CPN-Maoist has expressed its commitment to create an environment in which the people and the leaders and workers of the political parties who were dispossessed during the armed conflict can return to their respective places with respect. Restoring unjustly occupied houses, lands, assets and allowing them to carry out political activities of illegal obstruction. 6. By self-evaluation and self-criticism of the mistakes and weaknesses of the past, the CPN-Maoist has expressed its commitment not to allow mistakes and weaknesses to happen in the future. 7. While self-evaluating the mistakes and weaknesses made during the government and parliament in the past, seven political parties have expressed their commitment not to repeat such mistakes and weaknesses in the future. In section 12, a common commitment has been expressed to investigate the incidents of inappropriate behavior between the parties and to investigate from any side and if found guilty, to take action and to inform publicly.

 

It has been accepted that the struggle between autocratic monarchy and democracy has reached its peak in the historic 12 point Understanding. It has been reiterated in the same document that it is the need of the day to resolve the 10-year-old armed conflict through progressive political means and establish peace. Similarly, it has been accepted for the first time that political, economic, cultural, social, class, caste, gender and region are the main problems of Nepali society. In order to solve this problem, it was accepted that it is necessary to end the autocratic monarchy and re-establish democracy. In addition, it is important to remember today that the implementation of the concept of democracy through progressive restructuring of the state was the main purpose of the agreement.

At that time, the seven parties agreed to restore the parliament through the movement, hold talks with the Maoists and hold elections for the Constituent Assembly to re-establish democracy. The Maoists were confident that the goal could be achieved by holding a political conference among the agitating democratic forces, forming an interim government and holding elections for the Constituent Assembly. Even though there were differences in the process of both parties, there was a consensus that the people's movement was the only option to achieve this goal.

In this way, the main goal of the 12 point understanding, which is the foundation of the people's movement, is the end of totalitarianism. It seems that there is a consensus that the means of this is the people's movement. In addition to this, in order to achieve the main goal in this document, it is clear that the Maoists will attack through people's war and the seven parties will focus their attacks against the despotic monarchy through peaceful movement.

An agreement has been reached to end the autocratic monarchy and establish a full democracy by creating a storm of nationwide democratic movement against the autocratic monarchy by concentrating the attacks of all powers from their respective positions.

 

In this context, along with the peace talks, it has been allowed to criticize the behavior and behavior of the parties in the past. Both sides promised to investigate past mistakes and take action if found guilty, It is true. Not only this, it is also mentioned that the parties will self-criticize their mistakes in the past and promise not to repeat the mistakes of the past. To make it more clear, it has been openly accepted that the Maoists and Seven Parties will self-criticize the mistakes made in the parliament and the government during the movement.

The first priority was the end of autocracy and the restoration of democracy in the 12 points Understanding, which was considered as the starting point for conflict resolution. Struggle and movement in their own way were said to be the means to achieve that goal. This means that there was an tacit agreement that the Maoists would be armed and the seven parties would carry out a peaceful protest. There is no doubt about the election of the Constituent Assembly through these two methods of agitation. Since the people's participation in the movement is necessary and the past of the parties is not good, a commitment was expressed to reassure the people of self-criticism of past mistakes and not to repeat the mistakes made in the past, whether it was during the war or when they were in the parliament or the government.

In this way, the goal of the 12 points Understanding was the end of absolutism and the Constituent Assembly, so as to convince the people, it was promised not to repeat the mistakes of  the past. It was said to adopt all the necessary procedures for the success of the movement as a priority. The condition of which was only to make the movement successful. In the second priority, a written commitment to investigate the shortcomings and weaknesses committed by the Maoists during the war and to investigate the mistakes and weaknesses committed by the seven-party parliament and government and to punish those found guilty was also made in this agreement.

According to the 12 points Understanding, the Maoist purges during the war and the terror bill issued by the seven parties in the parliament and the government, based on that bill, the declaration of emergency, approval and extension of the emergency period, including the work of declaring a terrorist and setting a price for the head, taking the head and carrying a bag full of money, etc. There was also the matter of conducting an investigation and making public if found guilty.

This thing came in the form of establishing the truth in the comprehensive peace agreement and creating an atmosphere of harmony in the society. And today, the official journey of "TRC", which is the most talked about, began. The seed of TRC was planted in Nepal with the slogan of establishing the truth about the events that took place during the war and creating an environment of reconciliation in the society. Although the late Girija Prasad Koirala, one of the heroes of the peace talks, was not like a wartime scale, he was adamant that people should focus on making the people's movement successful and should adopt the principle of forgetting the past and forgiving. Another hero of the peace talks, Prachanda, himself admits that he used to argue that those who committed excesses during the people's war should be investigated and brought to justice. (Detailed Peace Agreement and TRC Provisions in Interim Constitution and so on in another series)

 

जनयुद्धको उपलब्धि उपभोग गर्नेहरुले त्यसैविरुद्ध विष वमन गर्न मिल्दैन

ठूला दलको सम्झौताले लाचार छायाँमा संविधान

गठबन्धन परिवर्तन र सरकार फेरबदल स्वाभाविक शृंखलामा देखिंदैन । यो परिघटनामा दक्षिणको दौडधुप, बिचौलियाहरूको सक्रियता र औंलामा गन्न सकिने केही नेता बाहेक अरूको रहस्यमय मौनता थप चासोको विषय भएको छ ।

 खिमलाल देवकोटा

 २०८१ साउन १ गते ९:११

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2024/07/1510011?fbclid=IwY2xjawEZK89leHRuA2FlbQIxMQABHfo-0plnmK20mZftPRF2TxILjxt-JAXOT1CjuWoZmBgfxoTOcPo4SIHH_g_aem_U3g9TVUHKMY4cphlnNnG4w 

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सजिलो छैन कांग्रेस–एमाले गठबन्धनलाई

हिजो यस्तै असंवैधानिक गतिविधिको विरुद्ध लोकतन्त्र र संविधान रक्षाको लागि सडकमा उत्रिएको कांग्रेस अहिले सत्ता साझेदार छ । उसका लागि यो सत्ता–यात्रा अझ बढी कठिन र अप्ठ्यारो बन्ने निश्चित छ ।

 खिमलाल देवकोटा

 २०८१ साउन १५ गते ९:३२

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नयाँ बजेटले मागेका कानुन

नयाँ बजेटले मागेका कानुन: प्रतिनिधि सभा र राष्ट्रिय सभाको संयुक्त बैठकमा अर्थमन्त्री वर्षमान पुनले बजेट प्रस्तुत गर्नुभएको छ । यो बजेट नेपालको आर्थिक परिदृश्यका लागि रूपान्तरणकारी योजनाका साथ प्रस्तुत भएको छ । यस अर्थमा मुलुकको सामाजिक आर्थिक रूपान्तरणका लागि निर्णायक छ । विशेष गरी राष्ट्रले कोरोना महामारीबाट उत्पन्न आर्थिक अवरोधबाट मूच्र्छित अर्थतन्त्र बिस्तारै तङ्ग्रिँदै पुनप्र्राप्ति र दिगो विकासका लागि तयारी गर्ने लक्ष्य राखेको कुरा बजेटले इङ्गित गरेको छ । यो आलेखले बजेटका

लगानीमैत्री कानुन र आर्थिक समृद्धि

लगानीमैत्री कानुन र आर्थिक समृद्धि: मनमोहक परिदृश्य र समृद्ध सांस्कृतिक सम्पदा भएको नेपाल आर्थिक वृद्धि र विकासको अपार सम्भावना बोकेको मुलुक हो । यो सम्भावनालाई सदुपयोग गर्न निकै ठुलो लगानीको खाँचो छ । नेपालकै पुँजी र लगानीको क्षमताले नेपालको समृद्धि अपेक्षित मात्रामा सम्भव छैन । तसर्थ लगानीका लागि उपयुक्त वातावरण सिर्जना गर्नु पर्छ । स्वदेशी तथा विदेशी लगानी आकर्षित गर्न, आर्थिक गतिविधिलाई उत्प्रेरित गर्न र दिगो विकासलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्न लगानीमैत्री कानुनले महìवपूर्ण भूमिका निर्वाह गर्छ । यो आलेखले नेपालमा लगानीमैत्री कानुनको महत्व खोज्छ, सुधारका लागि प्रमुख क्षेत्रहरू पहिचान गर्छ र देशको लगानीको वातावरण बढाउन सम्भा

जनताको जीवन बदलिएन, अब प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित कार्यकारी

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2024/04/1468624 

विशाल दुई छिमेकीका बीचमा अवस्थित नेपाल लामो समयदेखि राजनीतिक अस्थिरता र सङ्क्रमणको चपेटामा रहेको छ । सन् २००८ मा राजतन्त्रबाट सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रमा भएको सङ्क्रमणले एउटा महत्वपूर्ण कोसेढुङ्गाको रूपमा चिह्न लगायो, तर नेपाल राजनीतिक अस्थिरता र सुशासनका चुनौतीसँग जुधिरहेको छ ।

नेपालको राजनीतिक परिदृश्य वरपरका बहसमध्ये शासन प्रणालीको बहस केन्द्रमा रहन्छ । यस आलेखले नेपालमा राजनीतिक स्थायित्वका लागि प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित राष्ट्रपतीय प्रणाली अपनाउँदा उपयुक्त हुने भन्ने विषयको पक्षमा तर्क र तथ्य प्रस्तुत गर्ने जमर्को गर्दछ । साथै नेपाल जस्तो अद्वितीय सामाजिक–राजनीतिक सन्दर्भमा यसका सम्भावित फाइदा र प्रभावहरूका बारेमा बहसका लागि आह्वान पनि गर्दछ ।

कानुन कार्यान्वयनका चुनौती

कानुन कार्यान्वयनका चुनौती: हिमालयको काखमा अवस्थित विविधतायुक्त राष्ट्र नेपालले विगत सात दशकभन्दा लामो सङ्घर्षको दौरानमा सङ्घीय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र नेपालको संविधान जारी गरेको छ । सङ्घीयता गणतन्त्रसहितको समृद्ध सांस्कृतिक सम्पदा र लोकतान्त्रिक प्रणालीका लागि विश्व रङ्गमञ्चमा विविधताको व्यवस्थापनका मामलामा नेपाल गर्व गर्छ । यद्यपि, धेरै विकासोन्मुख देश जस्तै, नेपाल पनि कानुनको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयनका चुनौतीको आहालमा डुबेको छ । क्रान्तिकारी राजनीतिक र कानुनी व्यवस्थामा परिवर्तनका बावजुद, मूर्त सामाजिक परिवर्तनमा कानुनको परिमार्जन र सोको प्रभावकारी कार्यान्वयन आजको चुनौती बनेको छ । यस आलेखमा नेपालमा कानुन कार्यान्वयनका जटिलता, मुख्य बाधा पहिचान गर्ने र कारबाहीयोग्य समाधान प्रस्ताव गर्नेबारे समीक्षा गर्ने प्रयत्न गरिएको छ ।

लोकतन्त्रका मानक राष्ट्र कहाँ छन्, नेपाल कहाँ छ ?

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2024/04/1461931 

अब यसो हो भने आफ्नै मानक तयार गरेर लोकतन्त्रको विकास र अभ्यास गर्ने र राष्ट्र निर्माणमा जुट्ने विकल्प बाँकी छ । यसै विकल्पका लागि जनमत तयार गरौं । विश्वका समृद्ध भनिएका र आदर्श मानिएका मुलुकहरू पनि दुर्दशाले घेरिएका छन् । त्यो दुर्दशाको आगोमा पिल्सिनुभन्दा आफ्नै मुलुकमा पसिना बगाउन बेस भन्ने भाष्यको विकास गर्ने कि ?

बजेटमा समेट्नैपर्ने विषय

बजेटमा समेट्नैपर्ने विषय: नेपालको संविधानको धारा ११९ को उपधारा ३ बमोजिम नेपाल सरकारको अर्थमन्त्रीले राजस्व र व्ययको अनुमान प्रत्येक वर्षको जेठ महिनाको पन्ध्र गते सङ्घीय संसद्मा पेस गर्नै पर्ने बाध्यकारी व्यवस्था छ । प्राकृतिक कारण बाह्य आक्रमणको आशङ्का वा आन्तरिक विघटन वा अन्य कारणले सङ्कटको अवस्था परी सबै विवरण खुलाउन अव्यावहारिक वा राज्यको सुरक्षा वा हितका दृष्टिले अवाञ्छनीय देखिएमा नेपाल सरकारको अर्थमन्त्रीले व्ययको विवरण मात्र भएको उधारो खर्च विधेयक प्रतिनिधि सभामा पेस गर्न सक्ने छ भन्ने व्यवस्था पनि संविधानको धारा १२३ ले गरेको छ । यस प्रकारको संवैधानिक बन्दोबस्तका अधीनमा

‘नो नट अगेन’ भन्‍ने, पालैपालो तिनैको ट्वाइसी बन्‍ने !

https://www.onlinekhabar.com/2024/03/1454709 

प्रेम र युद्धमा सबै चिज जायज हुन्छ भन्ने मान्यता प्रेम र युद्धमा हैन, नेपाली राजनीतिमा हुबहु लागू भएको छ ।

यसरी सोच्दा समय लाग्न सक्छ । नेपाली राजनीतिले पैदा गरेको नेतृत्व रातारात बदल्न सकिन्न । पुराना विरुद्ध विद्रोह गरेका पात्र र प्रवृत्ति तिनै पुरानासँग गठजोड नगरी अघि बढ्न नसकेको विरासत हामीसँग छ । राणा विरुद्धको विद्रोह तर विद्रोह सफल भएपछि पनि तिनै राणा प्रधानमन्त्री ? राजा विरुद्धको विद्रोह पछि तिनै राजासँग सम्झौता ?

संसदीय व्यवस्था विरुद्धको विद्रोह तर पछि त्यही सुधारिएको संसदीय व्यवस्थाको महारथी ? पुरानासँगको सम्बन्धविच्छेद, सबै पुराना ‘नो नट अगेन’ तर पालैपालो तिनैको ट्वाइसी (सेकेन्ड म्यान) ? यी आजको राजनीतिक यथार्थ हुन् । यो यथार्थलाई अनदेखा गरेर वा इन्कार गरेर कहीं पुगिंदैन ।

त्यसो हो भने अबको बाटो भनेको संस्कार बदल्ने हो । आजको वास्तविकतालाई स्वीकार गर्ने हो । आजको परिस्थितिमा गर्न सकिने के हो त्यसको पहिचान गर्ने हो ।

पहिचान गरिएको आजको वास्तविकताका आधारमा राजनीतिलाई हिंडाउने कोसिस गर्ने हो । यति गर्न सक्दा सबै कुराको जवाफ दिन वा धेरै समस्याको समाधान गर्न नसकिएला तर धेरै कुराको जवाफ दिन र धेरै समस्याको समाधान गर्न सकिन्छ ।

आजको एउटै बाध्यता र वास्तविकता यो हो कि नेपाली राजनीतिले धरातलीय यथार्थलाई आत्मसात् गर्न जरूरी छ । यसो भनेको आजको राजनैतिक र संवैधानिक सीमाभित्र एकल पार्टीको बहुमत असम्भवप्रायः छ ।

बहुमत हासिल गरिहाले पनि हाम्रा राजनीतिक क्षमताका कारणले तिनलाई टिकाउन सम्भव छैन भन्ने कुरा पुष्टि भएको छ । त्यसैले फेरि पनि गठबन्धन–गठबन्धन–गठबन्धन आजको वास्तविकता हो ।

गठबन्धन टिकाउको पहिलो आधार विश्वास, विश्वास र फेरि पनि आपसी विश्वास पहिलो आधार हो । दोस्रो सत्य भनेको विचारको आधारमा गठबन्धन हो कि ? एजेन्डाको आधारमा गठबन्धन हो ? वा सत्ता र शक्ति बाँडफाँटमा आधारित गठबन्धन हो ? भन्ने बारेमा प्रष्ट हुन जरूरी छ ।

यो प्रष्टताका आधारमा ती वास्तविकताप्रति इमानदार हुने प्रण गर्ने र सो बमोजिमको संस्कार र संस्कृति बनाउने प्रयत्न गर्ने अर्को आवश्यकता हो । यसैमा नेपाली राजनीतिको स्थायित्व र भविष्य दुवै निर्भर गर्नेछ ।

गठबन्धनका चुनौती

गठबन्धनका चुनौती: मार्क्सवाद विज्ञान हो । ठोस परिस्थितिको ठोस विश्लेषण नै मार्क्सवाद हो । यो फर्मुला मान्ने हो भने र सो फर्मुलाबमोजिम गठबन्धन बनेको भए सही हुन्छ, टिक्छ नबनेको भए टिक्दैन । यति कुरा सामान्य ज्ञानभित्र पर्छन् । तर मानिसहरू यो वा त्यो दृष्टिले यसको औचित्य प्रमाणित वा अप्रमाणित गर्ने धुनमा दौडिरहेका छन् । तथ्यका आधारमा गरिने विश्लेषण सही साबित हुने र अनुमानका आधारमा गरिने विश्लेषण बेठिक साबित हुने कुरा पनि सोह्रै आना सत्य हो । यति कुरा जान्दाजान्दै पनि मा

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