Welcome to you all in my blog NEPALI IDEA. This is my personal blog. All ideas do not necessarily reflect and represent my other positions. -Khimlal Devkota, Faculty, ICMS, Ph.D. Scholar, Constituent Assembly Member/Senior Advocate, Board of Directors, National Legislative Academy.
Thursday, March 12, 2015
Wednesday, February 18, 2015
Tuesday, February 17, 2015
http://radiokantipur.com/program-podcast/1551/The-Headliners/
http://radiokantipur.com/program-podcast/1551/The-Headliners/
My interview in kantipur headlinners
17th feb 2015
My interview in kantipur headlinners
17th feb 2015
Thursday, February 12, 2015
http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=91826
Federalize the parties 6 9 4 0 1
Federalism has dominated Nepal’s political discourse in the recent times. One of the main reasons Constitution could not be promulgated is because of differences among the political parties on the specifics of federalism. Even though the Interim Constitution stipulates Nepal as a federal democratic republic, political parties have not been able to agree on its implementation modality. There are sharp divisions mainly on demarcation of federal units as well as on naming them.
One interesting part is that even though there have been a series of discussions on federalism in Nepal, there has been no discussion on how political parties would be restructured in a federal set up. This is crucial for the success of the restructuring of the state to the federal set up in Nepal.
It may be important first to discuss why federalization of political parties is important. Since 250 years, Nepal has been in the unitary set up. This is cited as the major reason for continued under-development of the country as well as other related problems. Therefore, people were compelled to revolt against autocratic feudal model. If the structures of political parties remain unitary while the state structures are federalized then there will be many contradictions.
The first important step is that mindset of political parties need to be federalized. It is because political parties have a huge impact on the society. Therefore, there has to be a change in the leaders’ consciousness before political parties are federalized. It is a great opportunity for the leaders who have championed federalization of the country to first federalize their party organization. Federalization of the country cannot be successful without federalization of party structures.
When we talk about federalism, it is first and foremost devolution of power, essentially devolving centrally concentrated power to the local level. Even though right now the whole discourse on federalism is centered on name and number of federal units, the most essential part of federalism is devolution of power. That’s why the way state structure should devolve power when going for a federal system and political parties should also devolve power in the same spirit. If political parties remain unitary when the state is restructured to a federal set up then federalism cannot be fully implemented. Most importantly, power should be devolved to the grassroots so as to advance interests of people at the local level.
When we talk about the federalization of the country, the key aspect is about managing diversities. The federal structure should be such that they should facilitate management of diversities. Society becomes harmonious when diversities are managed well. Diversities are to be recognized and identities respected for social harmony. This will also inculcate a feeling of mutual respect and understanding among all.
Everyone is seeking their rights. But no one is ready to recognize others’ rights. No one is ready to hand the power they are enjoying over to others. No one is ready to cut down their own privileges. This is a general human tendency and Nepali society and leaders of Nepal are not exceptions. Therefore successful implementation of federal structure is quite challenging.
All political parties have unitary set up. Across all political parties, leaders at the central level give instructions and issue circular to local units and they act accordingly. Even if these decisions are unfair or impractical they need to be revised by the center itself; local branches have no say in this. If any local branch violates this practice there will be negative repercussions for them. Local level branches of political parties are not autonomous. Decisions cannot be changed from the local level.
Federalism is going to be institutionalized by the new constitution despite opposition by the regressive forces. We cannot miss this opportunity. We have been able to achieve federalism through a lot of hard work so we have to take it seriously. We have to ensure its success. However, we have to first convince people that federalism is not a solution of all problems. We have to change our unitary mindset and we have to change our party structure to make it compatible with changing federal set up of the country. If we fail to do so, anti-federalists’ argument that federal set up is unsuitable for Nepal would prove right.
The author is a senior UCPN (Maoist) leader - See more at: http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=91826#sthash.QhNheStY.nMwSQNAh.dpuf
Federalize the parties 6 9 4 0 1
KHIMLAL DEVKOTA
One interesting part is that even though there have been a series of discussions on federalism in Nepal, there has been no discussion on how political parties would be restructured in a federal set up. This is crucial for the success of the restructuring of the state to the federal set up in Nepal.
It may be important first to discuss why federalization of political parties is important. Since 250 years, Nepal has been in the unitary set up. This is cited as the major reason for continued under-development of the country as well as other related problems. Therefore, people were compelled to revolt against autocratic feudal model. If the structures of political parties remain unitary while the state structures are federalized then there will be many contradictions.
The first important step is that mindset of political parties need to be federalized. It is because political parties have a huge impact on the society. Therefore, there has to be a change in the leaders’ consciousness before political parties are federalized. It is a great opportunity for the leaders who have championed federalization of the country to first federalize their party organization. Federalization of the country cannot be successful without federalization of party structures.
When we talk about federalism, it is first and foremost devolution of power, essentially devolving centrally concentrated power to the local level. Even though right now the whole discourse on federalism is centered on name and number of federal units, the most essential part of federalism is devolution of power. That’s why the way state structure should devolve power when going for a federal system and political parties should also devolve power in the same spirit. If political parties remain unitary when the state is restructured to a federal set up then federalism cannot be fully implemented. Most importantly, power should be devolved to the grassroots so as to advance interests of people at the local level.
When we talk about the federalization of the country, the key aspect is about managing diversities. The federal structure should be such that they should facilitate management of diversities. Society becomes harmonious when diversities are managed well. Diversities are to be recognized and identities respected for social harmony. This will also inculcate a feeling of mutual respect and understanding among all.
Everyone is seeking their rights. But no one is ready to recognize others’ rights. No one is ready to hand the power they are enjoying over to others. No one is ready to cut down their own privileges. This is a general human tendency and Nepali society and leaders of Nepal are not exceptions. Therefore successful implementation of federal structure is quite challenging.
All political parties have unitary set up. Across all political parties, leaders at the central level give instructions and issue circular to local units and they act accordingly. Even if these decisions are unfair or impractical they need to be revised by the center itself; local branches have no say in this. If any local branch violates this practice there will be negative repercussions for them. Local level branches of political parties are not autonomous. Decisions cannot be changed from the local level.
Federalism is going to be institutionalized by the new constitution despite opposition by the regressive forces. We cannot miss this opportunity. We have been able to achieve federalism through a lot of hard work so we have to take it seriously. We have to ensure its success. However, we have to first convince people that federalism is not a solution of all problems. We have to change our unitary mindset and we have to change our party structure to make it compatible with changing federal set up of the country. If we fail to do so, anti-federalists’ argument that federal set up is unsuitable for Nepal would prove right.
The author is a senior UCPN (Maoist) leader - See more at: http://www.myrepublica.com/portal/index.php?action=news_details&news_id=91826#sthash.QhNheStY.nMwSQNAh.dpuf
गतिरोध अन्त्यका तीन विकल्प
गतिरोध अन्त्यका तीन विकल्प
प्रश्नावली समितिको खारेजी र वार्ताको आरम्भ दुवै पक्षले जित्ने उपाय हो । सहमतिमा संविधान जारी गर्ने उत्तम बाटो र विकल्प पनि यही हो ।
यतिबेला नेपाली राजनीतिमा गतिरोध उत्पन्न भएको छ । जनताका विविध आन्दोलन र क्रान्तिको परिणाम बनेको संविधानसभा यतिबेला आन्दोलनकारीहरूसंँगको नाता तोड्दैछ । पहिलो संविधानसभाका सहमतिसहितका १२ बँुदे समझदारीदेखि अन्तरिम संविधानसम्ममा व्यक्त गरिएका शान्ति र सहमतिको मर्ममा प्रहार भएको छ । दोस्रो संविधानसभाले विगतका सहमतिको स्वामित्व ग्रहण गर्ने भनिए पनि सत्तारुढ घटकहरूको नौबँुदे प्रस्तावले त्यसलाई अस्वीकार गरिसकेको अवस्था छ । ज्ञानेन्द्रको निरंकुशता विरुद्ध एकजुट भएका सात दल र माओवादी यतिबेला नदीका दुई किनारा बनेका छन् । आपसमा वाकयुद्ध गरिरहेका छन् । अस्थिरता चाहने देशी/विदेशी शक्तिहरू धमिलो पानीमा माछा मार्ने दाउ हेरेर बसेका छन् । यो परिवेशमा विवेक र आवेगको उचित समायोजनसहितको समाधान खोज्नु पर्नेछ अन्यथा विनाशकाले विपरीत बुद्धि बाहेक केही भन्न सकिंँदैन । यस्तो विषम परिस्थितिमा भावी राजनीतिक परिदृश्य र भावी नेपाली राजनीतिका तीन वैकल्पिक उपायका रूपमा चित्रण गर्ने कोसिस गरिएको छ ।
पहिलो विकल्प
आन्दोलनकारी शक्तिहरू यतिबेला विभाजित छन् । त्यसो त हिजो शान्ति सम्झौता गर्ने बेलामा पनि विभाजितमात्रै थिएनन्, दस वर्ष लामो लडाइँ यो वा त्यो ढंगले एकअर्काका विरुद्ध लडेका थिए । तथापि आखिर शान्ति प्रक्रियाको थालनी तिनै शक्तिहरूको मिल्तीबाट सम्भव भएको हो । त्यतिबेलाको मिलन दुवैले एकअर्कालाई पुरै जित्न पनि नसकेको र हार्न पनि नसकेको परिणाम थियो । त्यसैको बँाकी असर यतिबेला देखिएको छ । दुवैले दुवैलाई पूर्णतः पराजित गर्न नसकेका भए पनि आफूले जितेको भान परेका कारणले संविधानमा उक्त कुराको आत्मस्वीकारोक्ति भएन र संविधान बनेन । त्यही बँाकी रहेको एकले अर्कालाई पुरै जित्ने लालसा यतिबेला पलाएको देखिएको छ । एमाओवादी नेतृत्वको मोर्चा एजेन्डालाई अघि सारेर सडकका बलमा जित्ने चाहना र सत्ताधारीहरूको गणितको बल, सत्ता र शक्तिको आडमा जित्ने योजना पाल्नु मूल कारण हो । यो विकल्प दलहरूको पहिलो विकल्पका रूपमा देखापरेको छ । यो मार्गबाट सत्ता र शक्तिको प्रयोगद्वारा संविधानसभामा भएको गणितको प्रयोग गरेर प्रतिपक्षलाई पुरै हरायो भने संविधानसभा जसका लागि जे कारणका लागि गरियो, त्यसको औचित्य पुष्टि हुने छैन भने प्रतिपक्षको असन्तुष्टिलाई समाधान गर्न नसक्दा मुलुक झन् ठूलो द्वन्द्वमा प“mस्नेछ । द्वन्द्वपछिको संविधानसभा जसको धेय नै द्वन्द्वको समाधान गर्ने हुन्छ र द्वन्द्वरत पक्षको न्युनतम सहमतिलाई संविधान निर्माणको प्रस्थानविन्दु बनाइने मान्यताको पनि उल्लंघन हुनेछ ।
यो संँगसंँगै साठी वर्षदेखि पुरा हुन नसकेको संविधानसभाको माग सम्भव तुल्याउने कसैको कल्पनाभन्दा टाढा रहेको गणतन्त्र, संघीयता, धर्मनिरपेक्षता र समावेशिताजस्ता विषय सम्भव तुल्याउने शक्ति फेरि पनि एकपटक बल गर्ने हो भने पुराना शक्तिलाई पुरै जित्न सकिने र जनताले चाहे अनुसारको संविधान बनाउन पाइने आत्मविश्वासका साथ अघि बढेको देखिन्छ । यही योजनाअनुसार सफल भएमा पुराना शक्तिहरू फेरि संगठित भई पुरानो खोसिएको सत्ता आर्जनको योजना बनाउनेछन् भने त्यसपछि बन्ने संविधान पनि सम्झौताको बन्ने छैन । विजेताहरूकै बन्नेछ । यसले पनि संक्रमणकालीन राजनीतिलाई सहज रूपमा अगाडि बढाउने मार्गप्रशस्त गर्ने छैन ।
यो विकल्पले एकअर्कालाई हराउन त सम्भव होला, तर कसैले जित्ने सम्भावना न्युन छ । देश र जनताको भागमा भने हारमात्रै हात पर्नेछ । जतिसुकै अपि्रय भए पनि दलहरू यतिबेला यही बाटोमा अग्रसर भएका छन् ।
दोस्रो विकल्प
द्वन्द्व रूपान्तरण गर्न द्वन्द्वका कारणहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्न राजी भएका कारणले युद्धविराम र शान्ति सम्झौता हुँदै अन्तरिम संविधानमार्फत अगाडि बढेका दलहरू बीचको न्युनतम समझदारी नै यतिबेलाको उत्तम विकल्प हो । तर यो विकल्प उत्तम हुँदाहुँदै पनि दलहरूको काम र व्यवहारले यो विकल्प दोस्रोमा देखापरेको छ । झट्ट हेर्दा दलहरू धेरै टाढिइसकेको र अब एकपटक झडप नगरिकन मिल्ने सम्भावना नदेखिएको साँचो हो । विगतको द्वन्द्वकालमा पनि दलहरू दोहोरो भिडन्तका बाबजुद पनि आपसी संवादमा रहेकै थिए । तर अहिले प्रत्यक्ष हतियारको लडाइँ छैन र पनि नेताहरू बीचको संवाद टुटेको अवस्था छ । त्यसो त पटक-पटक शान्ति वार्ताका प्रत्येक चरणमा यस्तो हुँदै फेरि वार्ता अगाडि बढ्दै गरेकै हो । फेरि पनि त्यसै नहोला भन्न सकिन्न । त्यही आशालाई पछ्याउँदै भन्न सकिन्छ कि फेरि पनि १२ बँुदे समझदारीका पक्षहरू बीचको न्युनतम सहमति नै हो । यसका लागि २०६९ जेठ २ गतेको सहमतिका आधारमा तत्कालीन विवाद समाधान उपसमितिको कार्यदलले जुटाएको सहमतिका आधारमा तयार भएको संविधानलाई नै अन्तिम सहमति मानेर संविधान जारी गर्ने नै हो । यसो गर्दा शासकीय स्वरुपमा प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचित राष्ट्रपति र संसदबाट निर्वाचित प्रधानमन्त्री भए पनि कार्यकारी अधिकार दुवैमा बँाड्ने मिश्रति शासन प्रणाली मिलनविन्दु हुनसक्छ । निर्वाचन प्रणालीमा आधा-आधाको हिसाबले मिश्रति प्रणाली, संवैधानिक अदालतसहितको न्यायप्रणाली अवलम्बन गर्ने र संघीयताका मामलामा पहिचान र सामथ्र्यकै आधारमा ६ देखि नौ प्रदेशको खाका तयार गर्ने अथवा विवादमा रहेका झापा, मोरड, सुनसरी, कैलाली र कञ्चनपुरलाई जिल्ला टुक्र्याएर पहाड बाहुल्य क्षेत्र पहाडमा मिसाउने वा पूर्व र पश्चिममा एक-एक जिल्ला पहाडमा मिसाउने वा पाँचै जिल्लालाई केन्द्र शासित प्रदेशका रूपमा राख्नेगरी विवाद समाधान गर्न सकिन्छ । यसो गर्दा सबैले जितेको संविधान जारी हुनेछ भने नेपालमा फेरि सहमतिको यात्रा आरम्भ हुनेछ । यो विकल्पले नयाँ संविधानसहितको शान्ति प्रक्रियालाई निष्कर्षमा पुर्याउनेछ । राजनीतिक परिदृश्यमा यो विकल्प उत्तम हुँदाहँुदै पनि दलहरूको प्राथमिकतामा भने मध्यममा परेको छ र चर्चाका हिसाबले पनि दोस्रोमा परेको छ ।
तेस्रो विकल्प
माथिका दुई परिदृश्यको सट्टा तेस्रो परिदृश्य भनेको द्वन्द्व चर्किने, नियन्त्रण बाहिर जाने र मूलधारका राजनीतिक दलहरू विस्तारै ओझेलमा पर्दै प्रतिगामी र यथास्थितिवादी तथा पुराना राजावादीहरूको बर्चस्व कायम हुँदै शासनको वागडोर नै त्यतैतर्फ जाने खतराको आँकलन गर्न सकिन्छ । यसको सट्टा नेपालको शान्ति प्रक्रियामा हात हालिसकेको संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघ औपचारिक रूपमा मिसनका रूपमा विदा भए पनि कार्य जिम्मेवारीका हिसाबले ऊ विदा भएको छैन । यतिमात्र हैन, विरलै सुरक्षा परिषदको छलफलको विषय बन्ने गरेको नेपाल यसपटक फेरि परेको छ । यसको संकेत नेपालको तरल राजनीतिमा आन्तरिक विद्रोह वा वैदेशिक हस्तक्षेप हुने खतराको बहाना बनाउँदै संयुक्त राष्ट्रसंघकै छायामा विदेशी सेनाको आमन्त्रण अर्को परिदृश्य हो । यो विकल्प पनि देश र जनताका लागि स्वीकार्य विकल्प हुनसक्दैन । तथापि सबै विकल्प सहमतिले आउँदैन, विमति भएका बखत आइपर्ने भनेकै नरुचाइएको र बाध्यात्मक विकल्प नै हो । त्यसकारण यो विकल्पको खतरा पनि त्यतिकै छ ।
निष्कर्ष
पहिलो र तेस्रो परिदृश्य देश र जनताका अनिच्छा र बाध्यताका विकल्प हुन् । जसले न शान्ति नत संविधान दुवै दिनसक्ने सम्भावना छैन । मध्यमार्गी, सहज अनि जनताका लागि स्वीकार्य परिदृश्य फेरि पनि दोस्रो विकल्प नै हो । दुवै पक्षले जित्ने विकल्पले नै देश र जनताको हित गर्छ भन्ने कुरामा विवाद हुनसक्दैन । त्यसैले यतिबेला शीर्ष नेतृत्वमै विषयवस्तुको बुझाइमा एकरुपताको अभाव, सत्तापक्षको बहुमतको दम्भ, प्रतिपक्षको हीनताबोध, दलका नेताहरूको अनावश्यक इगो र नयाँ संविधान जारी भएपछिको सत्ता बाँडफाँडको टकरावसमेतको परिणाम मुलुकमा अनावश्यक द्वन्द्व र हिंसा थोपरिने काम हँुदैछ । खासगरी यो परिदृश्यको आरम्भ नियम परम्परा मिचेर सभाध्यक्षको ठाडो आदेशमा हुकुमी शैलीमा संविधानसभामा जबर्जस्त गठित कथित प्रश्नावली समितिबाटै भएको हो । तसर्थ त्यसको खारेजी र वार्ताको आरम्भ दुवै पक्षले जित्ने उपाय हो भने सहमतिमा संविधान जारी गर्ने उत्तम बाटो र विकल्प पनि यही हो । यसका लागि राजनीतिक दल, नेता, कार्यकर्ता शान्ति र संविधान चाहने सबै पक्ष र सरोकारवालाहरूले आवश्यक भूमिका निर्वाह गरी मध्यमार्गी र शान्तिको विकल्प सार्थक बनाउन जरुरी छ । यसैमा ध्यान केन्द्रित गरौं । यसैमा देश र जनताको हित अन्तरनिहित छ ।
देवकोटा एमाओवादी सभासद हुन् ।http://www.ekantipur.com/np/2071/10/29/full-story/403658.html
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